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Evliya Çelebi's "Patents" obtained from the franks

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EVLIYA <;ELEBi'S "PATENTS" OBTAINED FROM THE

FRANKS*

NURAN TEZCAN

One of the characteristic terms used by Evliya <;elebi in the Seyahatname is papinta. Kreutel explains the term as a variant of the lingua franca word patente - patenta generally meaning "passport, safe conduct." 1 In other words it is a travel document or a letter of passage used to travel in countries outside the Ottoman realm or in frontier regions with a special status.

In the entire Seyahatname Evliya <;elebi obtained a papinta

batt

or papinta kiigiz from the "Franks" (Western Europeans) three times:

1. from the Venedik biinz (lord of Dubrovnik) while in Dalmatia in the spring of 1074/1664 to go to Nova;

* translated by Barbara Blackwell Gtilen.

See KREUTEL 1957 191, 261 (KREUTEL 1987 230, 311 footnote 340); LF 340 (#484); EC::SOS 219. In the YKY edition of Seyahatname this word, which is read as

papinte/papente, also appears at I 29b, 86b; IV 312b, V 164b, VI 153b, VII 70b, 73a,

75b, 85b, 168a, IX Y381a, X Y252a. It is sometimes also used to mean "order, imperial decree." Examples: The commander (~ehr emfni) of Dodo~ka province is taken captive by the Ottomans. Upon learning this, the Austrian emperor sends decrees to all kings and princes in Christian countries: Ol eszr ~apudan11; ceviib1 uzre Nemse riisiir-1 niifiir }:iiilii

cumle umerii-y1 kuffiirlara ve cemli goroflara ve cumle ~apudanlar ve banlara papintalar, ya'nf batlar gonderiip ~af'a-i Yanova ve Cole ~al'alan iizre }:iareketleri var

(V 164b; YKY 5, 287). During the siege of Uyvar Evliya's male servant, Seyfi, is taken prisoner by a commander named Ji9i~van. When Evliya arrives at Vienna he requests that the Austrian emperor save his servant and the emperor writes a papinta to the above-mentioned commander and sends a messenger with money to pay the servant's ransom. However, five days later the messenger returns with the servant's sword, horse and clothing, in addition to having cut off the little toee of both feet as proof of the servant's death. Evliya, overcome by grief and crying, calms down when the emperor returns the ransom of bir kzse guru~ that he gave for the servant and says yedi ~ral

kiifiristiinma gitmek iirziilan biitira butiir ediip yine Ber irre seyr-i temii~iiya me~giil oldum (VII 70b/YKY 123).

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100

2. from the Nemse rasiirz (Austrian emperor) while in Vienna in 1075/1665 to go to Western European countries;

3. from the firenk bitr'i~i (Latin Patriarch) in St. Catherine's Monastery on Mt. Sinai in 1082/1672 in the course of the Hajj pilgrimage.

Ev Ii ya relates how he got the first pap int a from the lord of Dubrovnik in Vol. VI (153b; YKY 267). Assigned to recover Dubrovnik's sheep that were seized by the people of Nova, Evliya, while on his way to Nova, discusses this subject with the Dubrovnik princes. After listening to their complaints, establishing good relations with them, exchanging gifts, and obtaining from the lord of Dubrovnik many benefactions, official documents (papinta kiig1zlar) and a hundred soldiers with rifles, Evliya goes to Nova castle: Bu ~ehr-i Dobra-Venediki seyr [ ii] temii~ii etdigimizden f?otJra Venedik bamndan nire in'iimlar ve yiiz 'aded tiifengli soltat kefere refi~ler alup2 bu

~a~'ir Nova ~al'asrm ke~f etmege Nova ye"l}i[eri agasi baz'inediirzyla 'azm-i riih-1 ~al'a-i Nova etdikde ... (VI 153b; YKY 267)

Evliya relates how he got the second papinta from the Austrian emperor in Vol. VII (72b-73a; YKY 127). On 29 Safer 10753/21 October 1664 Evliya goes to Uyvar (29a; YKY 51), and on 1 ~evval 1075/17 April 1665 he is assigned by the grand vizier to join ~ara Mel)med Pasha who was sent as ambassador to the Austrian emperor (30a-b; YKY 53-54). In ii'l~ade 10754/May-June 1665 Evliya goes to Vienna (Ber) with Ambassador ~ara Mel:imed Pasha's delegation (54a; YKY 94). Through Ambassador ~ara Mel:imed Pasha, Evliya finds an opportunity to meet and talk to the emperor. Speaking to the emperor as if he were a companion, Evliya obtains a letter to save his male servant (70b; YKY 123). When he learns that his strapping servant is dead, Evliya is crushed. He tries to forget his pain by seeing the sights of Vienna and recalling the reason that he traveled was to see the seven kingdoms of kiifiristiin (country of infidels, Europe). Thus Evliya, a master of fiction, prepares the reader for his future plans to tell about other countries of Western Europe.

Evliya visits Vienna with great interest and gathers enough information to fill a book about the lifestyle, the castle and the churches and various buildings. During this time, Evliya meets the emperor's statesmen and learns that the ambassador and his delegation from Istanbul will stay in Vienna for at least a year and a half and he becomes very upset (72b; YKY 127).

2 Mss. olup.

3 Mss. wrongly 1074, the correct date is 1075. 4 Mss. wrongly 1074, the correct date is 1075.

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EVLIY A {;ELEBI' S "PA TENTS" 0BT AINED FROM THE FRANKS 101 Evliya evaluates the situation by thinking: Aya bu cezfre-i kafiristanda seyaQat ve ticaret ve ziyaret yo~dur. Bir yzl ve bir buru~ yzl nice maQbiis gibi durulur "In this country of infidels there is no travel, commerce and pilgrimage. How can I stay here like a prisoner for a year or a year and a half?" He plans to travel together with the viziers of Spain, Denmark, Dunkirk (Don~ar~zz) and the other kingdoms who were at that time in Vienna finishing up peace negotiations and preparing to return to their countries. Evliya says: Eyi fuf"$atdzr bu Berde bir yzl durma~dan ise gayri diyarlarz seyaQat ediip yine elri pa~a gidinceyedek geliip yeti~irim "This is a fine opportunity. Rather than stay a year in Vienna, I can travel to other countries and come back before the ambassador starts out." (72b; YKY 127).

He first presents Kaya Sultan handkerchiefs to the various viziers -Zoza, whom he had befriended in Transylvania; Montecuccoli; Grand Vizier Rudolfus - as well as the chief of police (ba~komsar) and other prominent officials, and tells them that he wants to travel to the countries of the seven kings (73a; YKY 127). As a traveler, Evliya never forgets to take gifts with him, one favorite being a Kaya Sultan handkerchief, that is lightweight and valuable and at the same time has for Evliya a special, sentimental value.5 Especially in foreign countries and in critical situations, this gift that Evliya himself loves, would win the hearts of the other party.

The grand vizier obtains Evliya audience with the emperor (rasar).

Using this opportunity, Evliya <;elebi presents the emperor with two of the most beautiful (na~-z bu~lemun-z 'ibretniimun) Kaya Sultan handkerchiefs, and adds two cashmere shawls and an icon of Jesus and Mary created by a European master painter (Frenk Mani). Impressed with these gifts that Evliya says are "small but as valuable as treasures," the emperor is very happy and talks to Evliya for two hours. Winning the friendship of the emperor, Evliya takes the opportunity to tell him about his travels to Damascus, Beirut, Jerusalem and Gaza. The emperor is especially interested in Jerusalem and asks about that; he then tests his own priests' expertise concerning the information that Evliya gives him about Jerusalem and it becomes apparent that the priests' knowledge is both faulty and inadequate. The emperor punishes the priests who are ignorant compared to Evliya and dismisses them. In awe of Evliya's depth of knowledge and true observations and the fact that he is "an honest traveler telling the truth," the emperor gives Evliya money, fine clothing and thirteen watches. Benefitting from the emperor's interest, Evliya immediately tells him that he wants to travel to the countries of the seven kings and requests the emperor's permission to go. The emperor

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says, "with pleasure" and taking up pen and paper writes a safe conduct (bir

papinta batt, 73a; YKY 127) indicating the following: Yedi ~rail*

viliiyetlerimde ~l'alar ve §ehirler ve benderler ve ~urii vu ~a$abiitlarzm mu'azzez u mukerrem gezup seyr [u] temii§ii etsun "in all my seven kingdoms he may travel honored and respected and tour the castles, cities, harbors, villages and towns" (73a; YKY 127). A delighted Evliya kisses the document in front of the emperor and slides it into a silk pouch. As a distinguished Ottoman gentleman, Evliya knows how to behave in the presence of an emperor. The emperor, for his part, is so moved by Evliya's deep respect towards him for this very special and important document that he adds clauses commanding that Evliya's needs be satisfied wherever he goes and that he be allowed to stay as long as he wants.6 Announcing that "those who love me should respect the wishes of our friend Evliya <;elebi" he sends Evliya to the grand vizier who also gives him many gifts and money and reference letters for the viziers of Spain, Denmark, Dunkirk and France. Upon seeing the emperor's letter to "travel to the countries of the seven kings" and the firman of the grand vizier, the viziers react by saying: bo§

geldi1J ve $afii geldi1J bizimle bile gidip viliiyetlerimiz gorup ~ev~ u $afiilar edersin "Welcome. You may travel together with us, visit our provinces, and enjoy yourself." Bidding goodbye first to the emperor and the grand vizier and then to their entourage, Evliya gets permission from the Ottoman ambassador and sets out on his journey with the viziers.

We cannot prove if he actually received such a papinta. Here Evliya begins to tell of his journey to Western Europe, a new chapter with the following title: sene 1075 miih-z ~i'l-~iccesinilJ on be§inci gun biiziirtesi Ber

tabtzndan Ungurus-z Alman diyiirlarzndan tii Ba~r-i Mu~ft keniirlarznda viliiyet-i j§panya ve viliiyet-i Don~ar~zz ve viliiyet-i Danimar~ ve viliiyet-i Filimengde §ehr-i Amz$tzrdama ve viliiyet-i Lonrata ve viliiyet-i ~allevineye ve viliiyet-i Ruye ve viliiyet-i Hollandiyeye ve viliiyet-i Prandaporosk ve §ehr-i Pra~a ve §ehr-i hizinyeye ve 'l-~ii$zl yedi ~rallz~ yerde tii ne~r-i Vo keniirzna varznca gitdigimiz ~ona~larz iiyiin u beyiin eder" (end of 73a and the beginning of 73b; YKY 128). After noting his departure from Vienna,

6 Her ~ona~da giinde bir ~oyun ve elli rift sipov ekmek ve on tavu~ ve yigirmi at yemi ve

on 'avret ve on nefer oglan buddiimlar veriip her ~ona~an ~onaga yiizer atli ve yiizer yayan kefere-i fecere refi~ler veriip her bender 1-)iikimleri ve ~apudanlari ve begleri isti~iiklime [l~up alay ile $ehirlerine getiriip muriid-1 meriim1m ~adar ol $ehirde oturup gidecegim va~ti her $ehri1J 1-)iikimleri ve iiyiinlari riiiyet edeler (VII 73a/YKY 127) The first person expressions (muriid-1 meriim1m, gidecegim va~ti) reveal that Evliya himself wrote this part or else summarized it.

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EVLIYA <;ELEBI'S "PATENTS" OBTAINED FROM THE FRANKS 103

however, there is a gap7 where the narrative stops and we find that Evliya has returned two and a half years later and is traveling near Vienna (75a; YKY 130-131). Staying the night near the Vienna castle, Evliya is on his way to Hungary. After spending the night there, he goes to Pojon (Pozsony, Pressburg) where, it seems, the papinta that he obtained from the Austrian emperor in Vienna has been previously used because he writes: bunda dabi ~raluJ papintalann Pojon 'ff.apudamna gosterup llf gun $iifiilar eyleyup ~apudandan iQsiinlar ile refi~ler alup andan ciinib-i .yar~a ... "Here also I showed the Emperor's patents to the commander of Pozsony and stayed here three days enjoying myself. After receiving gifts and companions from the commander, I set out to the east ... " (75b; YKY 131)

From this fabrication in the Seyahatname it is evident that Evliya did not go to Western Europe but he expertly fictionalized the situation by leaving a gap and giving the impression that he would write about the journey later. This is why we do not know whether he actually used this document. Perhaps he tried to use it and nevertheless was not given permission and had to return. It may be that Evliya, who was honored by the courtesy and respect he received wherever he went, did not write about such a degrading situation as failure to travel in Western European countries despite having a "patent" from the Austrian emperor. It was enough for him to fabricate that he went to these countries where he could not go to but really wanted to see.

According to his own words Evliya, who obtained this passport in 1665 from the Austrian emperor, uses it several times during his travels from Dagestan to the north: lbram (batt-z mustekreh), Erdel Belgrad (batt), Ya~ (emiin kiigz6z), Terek (batt-z mustekreh), Ejderhan (papinta), kal'a-i ---(niime), Sorotakirmen (pasaporta batt). Whenever he shows the papinta he is greatly honored by the officials in charge and given immediate permission to stay or to pass through, and also is showered with gifts. He boasts of this at every stage:

VII 89a (ibram) ... bu ~al'a-i ibram irine girup seyr [ii] temii.yii etmege irinde olan Nemse ~apudam ~omadz ammii Ber ~al'asmda Nemse fiisiin bu ~a~fre ''Yedi ~rallz~ yeri seyiiQat etsin" deyii Qa~fre verdigi batt-z miistekrehin ibram ~al'asz ~apudanma gosterince hemiin aya~ uzre ~al~up battz yiizine gozine siiriip Qa~fri1] destini bus edup ol ~adar i'ziiz u ikriim etdi kim bu Qa~fr ve guliimlanm 'iilem-i Qayretde ~ldzlar. Ba'[de]hu bu Qa~fre bir kfse talar guru.y ve iki Nemseni1J ~uyru~uz at/an ve iki sii'at ve bir pa$tav Macar ru~sz ve altz 'aded rarblz ~ol tiifengleri veriip [89b] buddiimlanma

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N.

onar Ungurus altunz ve hirer donlu~ fU~a ve ~uma§ veriip bir miilukiine iiyafet ediip ~al'adan yedi pare top atup rasanlJ sanca~lanyla ~al'a bedenlerin zeyn etdi.

VII 92a (Erdel Belgrad1/ Alba Julia) ... ~oynumdan Nemse rasannzlJ ~a~fre verdigi yedi ~ralifiin battznz Erdel ~ralz eline verdigimde a~lz ba§zndan gidiip aya~ iizre ~al~up rasanlJ kagz;m ciimle dzvanda olan kafirlere gosterince ciimle kefere ba§lanndan giinagiin ~alpa~lann p~arup benim verdigim kagz;a dogrz giiya secde ediip ~amd etdiler. Heman gordiim ki, ~ralz1J gozleri ya§ ile do/up terciimanlar rasamJ battznz o~uyup mefhiimz ma'liim-z ~ral olunca heman ~ral ~al~up bu ~a~zri1J ~oltugzna giriip "ijo§ geldi1J, yiiziim ba!ja geldi1J benim eski dostum" deyiip ~a~zri balvetbanesine8 gotiiriip 'azim vezni iizre i'zaz [ u] ikramlar ediip kendii sarayznda iif 'aded hiicre do§ediip ciimle ta'yinatzmzz §eker ve darpn ve ~aranfile varznca veriip §eb [ ii] riiz kendiisiyle ve May Fzrav nam 'avreti ve bu ~adar ma~biibe-i zenan Macar ~zzlarzyla ~iisn-i iilfetler ederdim.

VII 104b (Ya~/Ia~i) ... Amma §imdi bu geli§imizde (---) (---) Bege bulu§up Efla~ begini1J ve Nigebolz miisellimini1J mektiiblarzyla Ber ~a/'asznda Nemse ~ralznzlJ bu ~a~zre verdigi eman kagz;z ve ta'yznat defterlerin verdikde Bogdan begi Nemse rasannzlJ battznz yiizine gozine siiriip ayaga ~al~up ~a~zre baylz ta';zm ii tekrzm ediip dzvan efendisi Me~emmed Efendinil; ~onagzna mutta!jzl ~a~zre bir menzil araste ediip 'uliife ve ta'yznatlanmzz belegan-ma-belag veriip iif giin istira~at ediip ...

VII 167b (Terek) ... 0/ giin Terek ~al'asz ~apudanzna mu~addema Alman diyarznda Nemse rasarzndan yedi 'aded ~rallara bitaben aldzgzmzz batlan ~apudana gosteriip Nemse lisanzn terciimanlarz ~zra'at ediip riiy-z zerdine nameyi siiriip "Sem'an ve ta'aten bizim Ma!j~ov ~ralznzlJ dostz Alman ve Ungurus viliiyetini1J rasar inpiratondzr" deyiip yine batt-z miistekrehi ~a~zre veriip !ja~ladzm. Ba'dehu ~apudan ~a~zre elli dane semmiir derisi ve bir semmiir parasz kiirk ve be§ 'aded cevherdar balz~ di§leri ve her birimize hirer ru~a ve hirer ~uma§ ve bq bi1J nu~rad akre ki ...

VII 168a (Ejderhan, Astrakhan) ... Nemse rasarznzlJ papinta battznz ~apudana gosteriip ~apudan eyitdi "Adem seni1J ne fO~ padi§ah dostlarz1J var, sen bir ma'liim ademsin" deyii ~a~zre ta';zm ediip me'kiilat [ u] mqriibiitlarzmzz ile bir sarayz ~ona~ verdi.

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EVLIYA yELEBI'S "PATENTS" OBTAINED FROM THE FRANKS 105 VII 174a (.rehr-i 'a:(im ve menbiisbane-i ~adim ~al'a-i --- ? former capital of Muscovy king on the Ural river) ... $ababzsz elriye iiyafet-i 'a;Imler ediip ba'de't-ta'am Nemse rasarznu; namelerin ~apudana ve ba.r batmana gosteriip yiizlerine ve gozlerine siiriip ba~zre baylf ta';Imler ediip seyabatimiz a~vallerinden nire $eyler su'al etdiler.

VII 174b (Sorotakirmen) !fakir yanzna varup gorii$diikde Almandan berii Nemse rasarzna ve iki buru~ yzlda yedi ~rail* yeri ge$t [ii] giizar ediip Erdele ve Efla~ ve Bogdana ve ~mm banz Mehemmed Geray If.an ile Dagzstan padi$ahzna gidiip ii[ yzlda rekdigimiz alam-z $eda'id ve sergiize$t [ii] serencamzm na~l ediip Nemse rasarznuJ verdigi pa$aporta battznz gosterdigimde ayaga ~al~up battz yiizine ve gozine siiriip ba~frden diinyalar ~adar baz;z; ediip ...

Elsewhere Evliya mentions his trip to Western European countries six times in the Seyahatname. The duration of the trip is given once as two and a half years, once as three years and once as three and a half years:

If

atta ba~zr yetmi$ ii[ tarzbinde Uyvar ~al'asz fetbinde bulunup yetmi$ dordde $ulb iriin elri Mebemmed Pa$a ile Alaman diyarznda Nemse rasarzna varup an111 papinta battzyla kafiristanu; yedi ~rallz~ yerin ii(: yzlda ge$t [ii] giizar ederken Tl$ Fransa ta'bzr etdiikleri ki Yel)i Diinyanzl) canib-i $ar~fsinde babr-i O~iiniis kenarznda Don~ar~zz viliiyetine ~adem ba$UP yetmi$ bq Ramaian-1 $erifini1J $Zyamzn anda eda ederken ba'iz soz anlar tevarzb-$inas papaslar ile iilfet ederken e~na-yz kelamda Al-i 'O~man devletin soyle$erek Fransa Cem Sah'zn abvalatlarzn su'al etdim (I 29b; YKY 47). (---) tarzbinde Nemse rasarz $Ulba ragbet ediip $adr-1 a'z;am ciimle 'asakir-i js[am ile Belgradda me$ta veriliip kiiffar-1 Nemseden elriler geliip Al-i 'O~man tarafindan Elri ~ara Mebemmed Pa$a Riim eli piiyesiyle Nemse rasarzna tevecciih etdiikde bu ba~zri devlet tarafzndan ferman-1 $er"if ile ta'yfn ediip ~at'-z menazil ederek Nemse rasarzna anda $Ulb [u] $alab miin'a~id olup ba~zr rasarzn papinta battzyla Alman diyarzna andan Don~ar~zz viliiyetine andan Danimar~a vilayetine andan Felemenk vilayetinde Am1$t1rdama andan jsJer viliiyetine andan (;eh viliiyetine andan Leh vilayetine andan ~ra~ov viliiyetine kamil ii[ buru~ senede bu yedi ~ral kafiristanda padi$ah-1 va~t-mi~al Cenab-1 Allah11J miilkiini seyr [ ii] tema$a ediip ... (186b; YKY 142).

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106

Bu l:za~fr-i piir-ta~fr bu iina dek 'Arab u 'Acemde ve yedi sene ~rallamy papinta batlanyla kiifiristiinda be§ on bi?netkiirlarzmla ve kiil:zeyliin atlanmla bu ~adar sene seyiil:zat etdigim memiilik-i mal:zruselerde bu ~adar ~rallar l:zutiirmda ve bu '.Acem biinlan pz§inde va'lliihi ve bi'lliihi ve ta'lliihi bir ~atre §ariib ve 'ara~ nii§ etmek muyesserolmamz§dzr ... (IV 312b; YKY 214).

Andan bizim elrimiz ~ara Mel:zemmed Pa§a ile Nemse rasiirma l:za~fr bile gidiip Alman diyiirzn nire zamiin seyr [ii] temii§iilar ediip ba'dehii Nemse rasiirmu; papinta battzyla iki buru~ sene yedi ~rallz~ yeri biiliida tal:zrfr olundugz vech-i me§riil:z iizr[e] yedi ~rallz~ yeri ge§t [ii) giiziir ediip iifiinci yzlda Budin vezfri Giircz Mel:zemmed Pa§aya geliip mii§erref oldugumuzda [l:za~fre] Egre ve Tzmi§var ve Varat eyiiletleriniy ~l'a yo~lamalarm il:zsan edup balada tal:zrfr olundugz iizre mezkiir eyaletlerin cemzi ~l'alarmz seyr [ii) tema§a ederek ~t'-z menazil ve tayy-z meral:zil ediip Ber ve Pra~ ve Bal:zr-i Mul:zzt ve Don~ar~zz ve Danimar~a ve isfar ve (:eh ve Tot viliiyetlerinden iifiinci yzlda l:zamd-i Ij.uda yine szl:zl:zat [ii) selametle mu~addema sene ( - ) tarzbinde fetl:zinde bulundugumuz ~al'a-i Varata geliip va$zl oldu~da ... (VII 85a-b; YKY 151).

Ifatta bu l:za~fr-i piir-ta~fr sene 1074 tarzbinde Raba $UYl inhizammdan $Oyra Nemse rasarz ~ralma varup andan p~aporta nam batlar alup Bal:zr-i Mul:zzt kenannda Lonrat §ehrine ve Don~ar~zz ve Danimar~a viliiyetlerine ve Alman deryasz kenarznda Filimenk ~ralznzy piiy-i tabtz olan Ami$tzrdam vilayetlerine ve nire yiiz pare §ehirlerine ve yedi ~rallz~ vilayetlerine gidiip seyal:zat ederken ol sene bu cengde ga'ib olan Fransa ~ralz §ehzadesine l:za~fr rast geldikde bulU§up elimde olan Nemse rasarm battmz goriip vafir l:za++ ediip yetmi§ gun kendii ile ve banlan ve l:zatmanlarz ve hersekleriyle iins [ii] iilfet etdigimiz mal:zallerde ... (VIII 298b)

Jfala Yeyi Diinyada on sekiz ~ral miistevlz olup fetel:zeta tarzbinden beru iif biy altmz§ pare ~al'alar in§a olunup l:zala ma'iidin l:zududlanwun ciimle ~rallar birbirleri ile Yeyi Diinyada ceng-i a?,zm etmededirler. Jfatta l:za~fr Uyvanfetl:z etdigimizden $Oyra elri ~ara Mel:zemmed Pa§a ile Nemse 9iisiirzna Alman diyarma vardz~da 9asiirm papintlarz ile ya'ni battzyla Bal:zr-i Mul:zzt keniirmda Lon9at niim §ehr-i a+zme varup anda Yeyi Diinyii ~ra~alarz var idi, her birinde ii9er biy [Y 252b] adem var idi, ol gemiler irre tiiglii ~a$frii 'l-~ame Yeyi Dunyii iidemleri var idi,

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EVLIY A <;;ELEBI' S "PA TENTS" 0BT AINED FROM THE FRANKS 107 tilma~lar ile ya'nr Nemse terciimanlan ile Yn;i Diinya abvalin su'al etdirdim. Padre ve 1>-olon nam papaslara sogerlerdi kim ... 9 (X Y252a; YKY 284).

Evliya <;;elebi obtains the third papinta in the year 1672 while visiting St. Catherine's Monastery on Mt. Sinai (IX, Y380b-381a; YKY423). He acquires this letter, after becoming friends with the patriarchs there, in order to visit places along the way, especially to go to Suez instead of being limited to the rest stops of the caravans when returning from the pilgrimage. He recounts this journey under the title Evf?af-z menzil-i cebel-i Tiir-z Srna: "There is a great monastery on Mt. Sinai where Moses and Jesus spoke to God without intermediary .... It is splendidly decorated ... and houses over a thousand monks from twenty-six Christian nations." At first the monks do not allow Evliya to enter but he recites the couplet:

Diinki giin kilsaya vardzm ~omadz ruhbiin beni 'Ahdim olsun ~ovlayam10 mawerde 'lsaya seni

"I swear that when I die, on judgment day I will complain to Jesus that while I was in the world (yesterday) I went to a church and the monks did not let me in."

So for fear of Jesus they open the door and let him in:

Amma kefere elinde ~almz~dzr. Amma jsfam elinde olsa berbiid olurdz. Amma kefere 'amar ediip Mz$zr pa~aszna ve yedi boliik a'yanzna ve Siiveys agaszna ve 'Urban ~eyblerine hedayalar veriip busn-i iilfet ediip va~zflanna sa'y ederler. Ifatta bakrre bir tiitiin telatin derisi verdiler kim mii~k-i 'amber-i ham gibi ~o~ardz. Ve Freng bztr*z bir sa'at bagz#zyup bir papinta kagzzlan verdiler kim "Seyyah-z 'alemdir. Geliip Tiir-z Srna'yz ziyaret etmi~dir. Yedi ~ral diyannda kimse mani' olmaya" deyii yedi bztrr~an papintalar alup Tiir ~al'aszna gidiip andan Siiveyse gitmek murad edindigimizde ... "But it is in the hands of the Christians. If it had been in the hands of the Moslems it would be in ruins. The Christians have made it thrive. They give gifts to the governor of Egypt, the notables of the seven divisions, the agha of Suez and

9 By Yel}i Diinyii Evliya means America. At I 29b he says that Western Europe is east of

the New World and that here because the native people are Indians they are struggling for their sovereignty. Moreover he says that he knows that one can go to America from the southwestern European ports and that he even saw Indians in the galleons in the port of Lon~at and talked to them through an interpreter to find out about America. This information is very important from the standpoint of showing Evliya's world knowledge. 10 ~ovlamak: to complain about someone or inform on someone. In YKY 423 it is read as

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the Bedouin sheikhs and maintain good relations with them and keep their foundations going in this manner. They even gave me a tobacco pouch of Russian leather that smelled like pure musk. Moreover, the Frankish patriarch gave me a watch and a patent (papinta kiigizlan) saying: 'He is a world traveler. He has visited Mt. Sinai. No one should prevent him from seeing the country of the seven kings'. When I received patents from the seven patriarchs I was about to go to Mt. Sinai castle and from there to Suez

"

However because of the roads being inaccessible and because of the concern that he cannot catch the pilgrimage caravan, Evliya does not go on to Suez and returns. He catches up with the pilgrimage caravan at Nabil going to Egypt.

We learn that Evliya <;elebi really does get this papinta from a docu-ment in Greek. This docudocu-ment, which is a concrete clue that Evliya was a living person outside of the information that he gives about himself in the

Seyahatname, was published recently by Pinelopi Stathi. In Stathi's article entitled "A Greek Patriarchal letter for Evliya <;elebi", the document is published in the original Greek with an English translation. It is of great importance because it is the second document showing a verified trace of Evliya. 11 This document points out Evliya <;elebi's peaceful nature that fosters warm relations with people and his desire to travel the world and tell about it as follows: "wherever he may be or travel ... he may not be subjected to any inquiry, or investigation, being a man of peace and known by us and by many other people. Thus you may do and the grace of God will be upon you all."12

Stathi indicates that this letter was found in the library of the Metochion of the Holy Sepulcher in Istanbul in codex 827 on folio 81r. The reference in the catalogue of manuscripts is: "Patriarchal apantahousa, without date, introducing the traveler Evliya <;elebi."13 The codex is from the first half of

the 18th century and sample copies to be used for similar situations were brought from the patriarch of Jerusalem to Istanbul. Stathi also mentions that a copy of this letter of recommendation is in the codex of the patriarchate of Alexandria number 315.14

11 The first is an expenditure document belonging to an Ottoman delegation in Vienna found and published by Karl Teply in the Austrian State Archive. On the list of important people belonging to the Ottoman delegation of ambassador Kara Mehmet Pasha going to Vienna in 1665 the eleventh person is an individual named Evliya Efendi. See TEPL Y 125-131.

12 STATHI267. 13 STATHI 265. 14 STATHI 266.

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EVLIYA <;ELEBI'S "PATENTS" OBTAINED FROM THE FRANKS 109 According to Stathi the copy of this "letter of recommendation" shows that the traveler Evliya <;elebi applied for the letter from a Greek Orthodox office. In answer to the questions when and where Evliya obtained this undated document, Stathi puts forth the following three possibilities: 1) in 1668 in the Peloponnese (southern Morea) while starting his journey; 2) between 1648-1650 in Palestine before beginning his journey to Damascus; 3) during the pilgrimage described in Vol. IX of the Seyahatname. Stathi states that this last journey lasted from 1676 to 1682 and provides the name of the patriarchs of Jerusalem.15

If we go by the information that Evliya himself gives, it is most likely that the mentioned letter of recommendation was obtained in 1672 from the patriarch in St. Catherine's Monastery on Mt. Sinai in order to extend his travels. This does not coincide with the dates 1676--1682 proposed by Stathi.

On the other hand, if we bear in mind Evliya's tendency to fictionalize, we must consider when and where Evliya actually obtained this letter of recommendation in a multifaceted way. Because at the beginning of Vol. IX, before Evliya goes to Mecca on his pilgrimage, he writes that he travels as far as Aleppo, Damascus, Beirut, Nablus and Jerusalem, visits the Holy Sepulcher and the shrines of Jesus and the Apostles (Ma~iim-z Ifatret-i 'Isa,

Ma~iim-l Ifaviiriyyiinlar).16 He returns to Damascus on 20 Sevval 1082/19 February 1672 and joins the pilgrimage. 17 In the course of this journey

Evliya could have obtained the papinta, as Stathi mentions, "during the 1669-1707 period from the famous Patriarch of Jerusalem Dositheos." Evliya must have stayed in Jerusalem around Ramazan 1082/January 1672. There is also the possibility that while writing his work, Evliya could have fabricated getting the papinta from the patriarchs he met during his visit to St. Catherine's Monastery on Mt. Sinai.

Other than this, in his account of Jerusalem in Vol. IX he writes that he had previously been there several times and dwells on the visit he made in 1058/1648.18 Thus it is not entirely impossible that he got the said papinta

during this visit in 1648.

Although the papintas that Evliya got from the Austrian emperor and from the partriarch ( or patriarchs) were for different reasons of travel, there

15 STATHI 268.

16 YKY Vol. IX 250-252. He also visits a Ma~iim-1 Ijatret-i 'Isa and Ma~m-1 Ijaviiriyyiinlar in St. Catherine's Monastery on Mt. Sinai.

17 YKY Vol. IX 286. This date in the text is 1081 miih-1 fjevviii"f} yigirminci giini. Here

1081 is erroneaous for 1082; regarding this see also: DANKOFF-KREISER 109, n. 187, 188.

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110 N.

are similiaries in the manner that the papintas were obtained. Evliya was able to get these papintas from the emperor and the patriarchs through his sweet conversations and the friendships he made. The emperor gave him thirteen watches and the European patriarch presented him with one watch. Besides this, one of the main reasons for the closeness between Evliya and the emperor was the emperor's interest in Jerusalem and the true information based on Evliya's eyewitness observations. According to this, he must have seen Jerusalem by this date. According to the chronology in the Seyahat-name, however, Evliya does not write about Jerusalem before 1075/1665, but includes it in the travels of 1082/1672 (Vol. IX). On the other hand, in Vol. IX (Y 222a) he says that he had visited Jerusalem many times. He says he especially visited Jerusalem in 1058/1648: !fakir bu ~uds-i Serif-i nice kerre ziyiiret etdim ammii 1058'de ciiliis-z Me~emmed Ij.iinzde Zileli <;;avu$ziide Me~emmed Pa$a ~uds-i Serife eyiiletine muta?amf iken bu ~umiime temii$iisz irin ricii ediip miihrin bozup temii$ii ettigimiz bey an eder . .. . "I visited Jerusalem many times but here [it will be tell only] how I requested to see the Holy Sepulcher and broke the seal and saw it while Zileli <;avu~zade Mehemmed Pa~a was governor of Jerusalem in 1058 at the time of IV Mehmed's accession to the throne."

It appears that while he saw the Holy Sepulcher in 1058/1648 , he did not describe it until his 1672 visit. 1648 is the date of Evliya's third trip to Damascas. In Saban 1058/September 1648 Evliya leaves Istanbul for Damascas passing through Iznik, Konya, Iskenderun and Antakya to go to Hama, Hums and Damascas; because of the Gtirci Nebi rebellion he is sent back to Istanbul on a mission and then returns to Damascus. In Muharrem 1059/January-February 1649 he is sent on a mission to Sayda, Beirut, Safed. He visits Baalbek, Tyre, Acre, Haifa, Jaffa, Lut, Ramla, Gaza, and from Askalan he goes to Damascas and from there returns to Anatolia through Aleppo and Urfa. During this journey in the years 1648-1649 Jerusalem is not mentioned. However in Vol. IX, he not only tells about Jerusalem but he says that the information he gave the emperor in 1665 was from his travels in 1648. Therefore, the said papinta document could have been obtained from the patriarch of Jerusalem during that visit.

It is important that the document that Stathi discovered proves that the

papinta that Evliya discusses in Vol. IX is not a product of the imagination because it sheds new light on questions regarding the fictionalization of the work and its chronology. This demonstrates that the Seyahatname is an original work of the period not only from a linguistic and narrative standpoint, but also because of its fictional form and it should be evaluated in this way.

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EVLIY A ~ELEBI' S "PATENTS" OBTAINED FROM THE FRANKS 111 Bibliography Dankoff-Kreiser E~sos Kreutel LF Stathi Teply TEZCAN ASK Tezcan Hediye Tezcan Papinta YKY

Robert Dankoff and Klaus Kreiser, Materialien zu Evliya <;elebi II, Wiesbaden, 1992.

Robert Dankoff. Evliya <;elebi Okuma Sozliigii. (Translated by. S. Tezcan). istanbul, 2004.

Richard F. Kreutel. Im Reiche des goldenen Apfels. Graz, 1957. 2 edition by E. Prokosch and K. Teply, 1987.

H. and R. Kahane - A. Tietze, The Lingua Franca in the Levant. Urbana, 1958.

Pinelopi Stathi, "A Greek Patriarchal Letter For Evliya ~elebi." Archivum Ottomanicum 23 (2005/2006), 263-268. 2006.

Karl Teply, "Evliya ~elebi in Wien." Der Islam 52, 125-131. 1975.

"Seyahatname'deki A~k Oyki.isi.i: Bir Kaya Sultan Vard1!" In: Kebiker 21, 13-27. 2006.

Nuran Tezcan, "Seyahatname'den Bir Hediye: Kaya Sultan Yaghg1." In: Kiiltiir Tarihimizde <;eyiz, ed. Emine Gi.irsoy Naskali, Aylin Ko~ (Istanbul, 2007), 277-286.

Nuran Tezcan, "Evliya ~elebi'nin Belgesel izi Papinta Kagzz." In: Toplumsal Tarih 161, 31-35. 2007.

Evliya <;elebi bin Dervi~ Mehemmed Z1lli - Evliya <;elebi Seyahatnamesi Topkap1saray1 Bagdat 304 Yazmasmm Transkripsiyonu-Dizini. YKY, istanbul. Edited by I: 0.

s.

Gokyay 1996; R. Dankoff, S. A. Kahraman, Y. Dagh 2006;

II: Z. Kur~un, S. A. Kahraman, Y. Dagh 1999; III: S. A. Kahraman, Y. Dagh 1999;

IV: Y. Dagh, S.A. Kahraman 2001;

V: Y. Dagh, S. A. Kahraman,

i.

Sezgin 2001; VI: S. A. Kahraman, Y. Dagh 2002;

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112

VII: Y. Dagh, S. A. Kahraman, R. Dankoff 2003; VIII: S. A. Kahraman, Y. Dagh, R. Dankoff 2003; IX: Dagh, Kahraman, R. Dankoff 2005;

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ONOMASTIC STUDY OF THE NAMES EMPLOYED IN

SARAJEVO AT THE BEGINNING OF THE

17TH

CENTURY*

YILMAZKURT

Bosnia first got acquainted with the Ottomans in 1392 with the conquest of Skopje by Pasha Yigit Bey, and was added to the Ottoman Empire as a

sanjak (sub-division of a Province) in 1463.1 The Ottomans later transformed it into an eyalet (province) in 1580, due to its strategic location and military significance.2 Sarajevo became the center of the Bosnian Sanjak on its establishment and occupied this status henceforth.

There have been many valuable historical studies on Bosnia.3 However, there has been almost no research done in the field of onomastics,4 specifically examining the sons' and fathers' names recorded in the tahrir defiers (tax registers).5 Due to the important role of onomastics in portraying

It was added during the reign of King Stjepan Tomasevi6 and Minnetoglu Mehmed Beg was appointed as sanjak bey (district governer).

2 At the time of its establishment as a province, which took place during Ferhad Bey's, a member of the Sokullu family, district governance. At its establishment, the Bosnian Province Sanjaks of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Klis, Pojega, Orahovice [Rahovice], Kirka and Zvornik Feridun Emecen, "Bosna Eyaleti" (The Bosnian Province), DIA, VI (1992), p. 296; Hatice Orm;:, Drustveno---ekonomske prilike u Bosanskom sandzaku od

1463-godine do pocetka 17-stoljeca (Socio-Economic Conditions in Bosnian Sanjak

from 1463 to the Early 17th Century). Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo. 2003. Unpublished Dissertation.

3 I would like to express my gratitude to Hatice Oru9 for translating the documents relevant for this paper from the Bosnian Language into Turkish. I would also like to thank the Oriental Institute in Sarajevo, especially Prof. Dr. Behija Zlatar, for organizing the 50th Annual International Conference.

4 Although "Anthroponomastics" deals specifically with the study of personal names, the term "Onomastics" or "onomatology", the study of all kings of names, has been preffered due to its wider use.

5 One of the few onomastics studies based on the 1604 dated tahrfr defter is Amina Kupusovic's "Muslimanska imena u opsirnom popisu bosanskog sandzaka iz 1604. godine" (Prilozi za orijentalnufilologiju, 40/1990, Sarajevo 1991, 267-308). Her article

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