CHANGING STRATEGIC
ARCHITECTURE
OF
TRANSNATIOI{ALS: THE
CASE OF
TEXTILE
AND APPAREL
INDUSTRIBS
Refika BAKOGLU M armara U niv e rs ity, Tu rkey
ix;;;:#tr:i,
ABSTRACT
This study aims to show the new patterns of the strategic architecture
of
transnationalfirms by
using aninductive perspective
over
the real
conditions.For
observingthe
sii\t
in
the
straiegicpiiorities of
transnationals and their strategic architectures, the textile end apparel industries are
partiiularly
imporrantsince the effect of globalization can be seen
in
these industries firstly and noticeably as being'widespread worldwide, mature and labor intensive, and the fi-rst example offull
global rradctibiralizarioi
taking ptacein 2005- Eight new patterns of new strategic architecture of transnaiionals are obsei-ved that
could
also bereflected to the other industries, especially global ones.
Keywords:
Strategic architecture, transnationalfirms,
multi-stakeholder initiatives,
corporate socialresponsibility
IN'TRODUCTION
Textile and apparel inilustries are
vital
industries to observe and analyse both global shift, and changes in strategic architectureof
tra.nsnational corporations (TNC's). Oneof
the mzrin reasonsis
being the firstmanufacruring industries gaining a global dimension, and eiperiencing the
full
global liberalizatiJn of tracle taking placein
2005. The other meaningful reasonsof
these are the facts that the industries, especially apparel industry, are the most geographically widespread; organizationally very complex containing elements of both very new and very old organizational practices, labour intensive(oicten, tl-Sl),
islocatejmainly
in
third world and Eastem European Countries, operates in a sophisticated sub-contracting system (Wick, 2003) and
is
mature. The other important reasonis
these industries are the main sourcebf
national revenue especially for the developing couhties, having occupied a key position in national industrialization strategies,although the share
of
these industriesin
world trade verylow with
the percentageof
5,gin
2001 (wTO, 2003). Particularlyfor
some less developed countries, apparel industry'represents largeptlrt
of
nation,sexport, indicating the importance of the industry as a key mechanism for the integriticin of'u
*tion,
""ono*y
to globalisation process. For instance, the shares of apparel industry in
countries' total merchandize exports
are
l8'3.7o
for Bangladesh, 60'2 Vo for El Salvador, 50.9 Dominican Republic,.49.gLo forSiLanka;
39.4Vo Tunisia, 24.4vo Romania and 21.2 vo
.fot
Turkey:in 2001(wro,
2003),all of
which*" p;;;;;;
apparetproducers. These reasons may also indicate that observed pattem
of
changing strategic architecture and global shift in the textile and apparel industries may not be unique to these particular industries, and could bereflected to the other industries, especially global ones.
Especialiy for the last two decades, apparel industry is an industry where intense and severe competition
has becn experienced
at global level, while
there are,160 producingcounfies
for
30
purchasing counties (Kearney&
Justice, 2003). This is another reason why these industies aie experiencirlg new global strategicgames earlier, and why intense competition is taking place especially among manufactrirers in globlll marker dominated by limited transnational companies and retiilers.
Global apparel industry and.rnarket has been dominated and controlled
by
multinationalcompariies and
retailer most
of
whibh do-not directly engagedin
production. Products are:mainly manufactured bya
large numberof
producersin
developing countries as being fragmented industryglobilly.
Since thet9zo,s
tne
world
has witnessed a processof
increased'relocationof
productionin
apparel inaustry. production forshift
in
the
strategic Architecture
of
rextile/Apparel
Transnationals
In the twentieth century,
it
has been witnessed four major shifts on the basis of competitive advantage: from price and volume to quality, than to speed, next to "mass customisation" as Keiman (1993) mentioned. But there seemsto
occur another shift recently, which would be conceptualised as dominatingof
global vaiue chain. SinceTNC's
are main actors in creating global web of value creation activities and have sustainablecompetitive advantage stems
from
it,
it
can beclaim
that dominating global value chainis
the fourth "leverage points" as being sustainable competitive advantage source for especially TNC's on top of "global efficiency, knowledgb leverage and responsiveness" (Bartlett and Ghoshal, 1989). Kiernan arguedin
his1993 article that strategic architecture for high performance firms include the following
s.u.n
.oi.
elementsfor
thetwenty
first
century: organizational learning, innovation, constructive contention, empowerment, optimised value potential, corporate sustainability and strategic re-framing. As we incorporated ihe basis ofcornpetitive advantage challenge in the last era with dorninating of global value chain,
it
can be argued that the observed patternof
core elementsof
strategic architectureof
TNC's
have new dimensions. We haveobserved eight new elements
of
new strategic architectureof
TNC's, especiallyin
the apparel and textile industry, which are: New implementations of corporate social responsibility, New*uyr
of
code formation and implementation, Being part of Multi-Staleholder Initiatives as main facilitatorof
Global Ethical.Trade. Formalisation of industries in producing countries, Creation of transnational regulations and legal framework,New ways
of
preventing new entrants, New waysof
enlarging market volume,.and New combination todiminish bargaining power of suppliers. We argue that these eight elements of changing strategic architecture
of TNC's
are being relatedwith
the new eraof
competitive advantage, as we namedit
as dominatingof
global value chain in industry.
1.
New
Implementations
of
Corporate Social Responsibility:
over rhe past few years, corporaresocial responsibility (CSR) has
regained increasedlevels
of
attentionby
businessesand
academic researchers. Especiallyin
Corporate Sustainability literature, achievementof
long-term sustainability depends on notonly
economic sustainability but also environmental and social sustainability(Dyllick
&
Flockerts, 2002). CSR could be intelpreted as a realization mechanism
of
environmental sustainability andsocial sustainability. Corporate codes
of
conduct are the most common means tcj express'4nd implementsocial responsibility (Kolk
&
Van Tulder,2002).A
numberof
companies have declared their social responsibilities to public by adopting codesof
conduct.Although majority
of
these codesof
conduct are merely unilateral declarations by individual transnational companies (Frankental, 2001), some codes of conducts applications go beyond just being declarations. While someglobal
companiesclaim that
they' implement andmonitor their
declared codesof
conduct (for exampleVF Corp.,H&M
etc), some others have begun to establish orjoin
to multi-stakeholder initiatives toimplement the codes
of
conduct that formed by the multi-stakeholder initiatives multilaterally (for example Nike, Adidas, Reebok,M&S,
Levis, Mothercare, Next, Lis Claiborne, Polo Ralph Lauren etc..y. participating companiesof
multi-stakeholderinitiative
put
social
responsibility
into
practice
by
adopting 'andimplementing codes
of
conduct introduced multilaterally, and moreover theyallow
independent: audits ontheir code implementation. Therefore
it
could be argued that corporate social responsibility now nieans more than a PR activity for some global firms. Although Frankental (2001) advocatedihat CRS can only have realsubstance.if
it
embraces:all the stakeholdersof
a company,'ifit
is reinforcedby
changesin
company law relating to governance,if
it
is rewarded by financial markets,'if
its definition relates tothi
goals of social andecological sustainability,
if
its implementation is benchmarked and audited,if
it
is,open to-public scrutiny,if
the compliance mechanisms are
in
place, andif
it
is
embedded across the organization horizontally and vertically,it
can be argued that now CSR is gaining a real context rather than being a theoretical concepr asPR tool. These changes in CSR implementations may go beyond thb meaning of enhancing the legitimaiy of the
firm
among its stakeholders (Handelman&
Arnold,
1999) and develophg positive sJciat res-ponsiUitityimages (Sen
&
Bhattacharya, 2001).This
statement especially would be more accurateif
the condition proposed by Frankental werefully
realized'2.
New
.\als
of
lode
Formation and Implementdtion:
"Codes of conducr (CC) are being highly contestedin
an environnrent where interest groups hope to manipulate the political or regulatoryp.i".r.
tt
gain preferential treatment"(Costello, 2000: 56). Codes
of
conduct could be defined as -a setof
standarOs.rules or guidelines
for
ethical behaviour.In
the contextof
working conditionin
apparel industry, codesof
conduct have been drafted that indicate for example labour standards that companiLi claim to upholdin
the workplaces where their goods are produced (CCC Tenninology Guide, 2003).The OECD lists 246 codes
of
conduct, mostof
which were issuedin
the 1990's. These codes are broadlydefined
as
"commitmentsvoluntarily
ma.deby
companies, associationsor
other entitieswhich
forth standards and principlesfor
the conductof
business activitiesin
the market place" (OECD,2000). Of
the246 codes ofconduct' 118 were issued by individual companies, g2 by industry and trade associarions, 32 by partnership between stakeholders
including trade unions
and NGO's
ind
4
by
inter-governmental organization.Although
the shareof
textile
and apparel industriesin
world
tradeis u.ry l"o* witn
tn"percentage
of
5,8
in
2001,of the 246 codesof
conduct,38
relateto
the textile
and ciothing industry representing 15.4Voof
overall codesof
conduct. Sixof
these were producedby
coalitionsof
entities(thl
multi-stakeholder initiatives) and 32 by individual companies- 25 of them from rhe USA (Wick, 2003). Codes
of
conductfor
business are not new, since businesses have been using themfor
yearsto
address variouspublic
concerns suchas
consumerrights,
product safety,or
envir"onme","ip|"".,i"n.
Somecolporations have developed their own voluntary industry or company codes of conduct, arguing that these
are a substitute for national.or international legal regulation. Voluniary codes tend to
le
timiteO'ii scope andhave vague objectives, and in most cases imDlementation is not independently monitored or verified. .fhere is
a growing recognition that voluntary codes are not effective and that regulation
is required (Ranald, 2002). The codes ofconduct that unilaterally declared by individual companies liave been criticised by stakeholders, especially by trade union movements (Barcelona Trade Union Statement, 2003) since they
io
notinclude related stakeholders in the process of code formation and verification. In the critics of trade union movements
and some NGO's,
it
is argued that many of the new codes are still public relations exercises and vast majorityof these kinds of codes are not build around fundamental intemational labour standards (Kearney
&
Justice,2003).
Shortly,
codesof
conduct areprimarily criticized
for
inefficiencieson their
formation andimplementation process. .
In recent years,
it
is observed that there is a tendency that individual company codes are replaced by multi-stakeholder codes of condrcl, which is an agreed code,of conduct that is accompanied by or paftof a larger arrangement between companies and NGO's and./or trade union organization. While the former codes were criticized lack of implementation, these codes involve follow-up
u.tiuiti.,
meant to put the code into effect.3.,Being
Part of
Multi-Stakeholder Initiatives as
Main
Facilitator
of
Gtobal Ethical
Trade:
There arefive
multi-stakeholder initiatives, which totally or mainly operatein
apparel indusrry aslol.lolvs.in'chronological oider: Social Accountability
tnt"*ational-tsAij,
etrrl.ur Trading Initiative (ETI), Fair Labor Association (FLA), Fair Wear FoundationlFwFl
anaworte.
Rigil;a;;;ii,n't'iln-cl.
ap"n
from these, although
it
does not have any members fiorn compani"...
L;ri.i".r
.;;;t;;i;;;,
bi.u"
cto,rr",
lampaign
(c-cCJI
also accepted as a multi stakeholder initiative within'this context and considered as the first multi-stakeholder initiative (Wick, 2003).All
these multi-stakeholderinitiatives
have adopted codesof
conduct regarding labour conditions inprotucing companies. Although the codes
of
these multi-stakeholder initiativeshaie
slight differences indetails' the codes contain common rules, such as no forced labour, no
discrimination, no child labour, no
excessive
working
hours,freedom'of
association and theright to
bargain collectively, health'and safe working environment, legally-binding labour contract and payment of aliiing/
legal minimum wage. Unlike the
FLA,
the five other code models have very similar set of social standards_. Forexar-nple, white
6cc, sel,
ETI' FwF
and WRC requireliving
wage that provides fqq basic needs, includesadiitional
discretionary income and takes into consideration depende,ltr, inEruA
ebdes asks for only legal minimum wage.As mentioned earlier, labor codes
of
conduct are nothing newin
themselves. From the very beginningof
industriali4ation some sortof
regulations against businesiesby
trade unions have emerged.whai
has ueen particuldrly different sincd the late 1980sii
that voluntary and self-regulatory corporate codesof
conducthave been appeared one
of
the most impbrtant measures to regulatethi
labour practices of business(Dae-oup' 2004; 105). Corporate codes
of
conduct have been a"buizword"
particularly amongNGo,s
seeking more effective strategies for labour rights in developing countries on one hand, some of the TNC's hasbeen
core element of multi-stakeholder initiatives for fgrcing labour rights and better working conditions
in their suppliers from developing countries on the other. TNC;s being part
of
the multi-stakeholderinitiatives may
exploit these initiatives
in
order to dominate global. value.t,uin ur
theprofit-
labour practic" tintuge t as become a core argument based on the idea that socially responsible business practices affectall the aspects
of
business operations and contribute significantly to corporate productivity and profitability by bringing to thecorporations reduced operating costs, enhanced brand image and repuiation, increased sajes and customer
loyalty, access to capital, and overall improved
finL:t3l
p.-.ro.,run.. rgsR,
ZOo:, BSR, 2002:sAI
2003).This-profit-labor linkage may explain
why
someTNC's
playpivotal
rolein
fostering international labor standards and setting betterworking
conditionsin
theii produ"..,
mosrlyin
developing countries by
involving
in
the multi-stake initiatives and being main actorin
the "global social partnerrr,ip;,1rt"
termof
global social partnership is adopted from the Trade Union Guide to Gl"obalization published in 2001).4.
Formalisation of
Industrtes
in
Produeing Countries:
Apparel indusrry dominatecl by limited numberof
transnational company and retail chains is also an industryin
rvhich subcontracting is especially prominent. Very often the design and even the cutting processes are performed quite separatelyfrom
thesewing process, the later being particularly amenable to intemational subcontracting
(Diiken,
1999). Vast number of developing country firms produce for limited number of transnational companies and retail chainsof developed countries. Textile and apparel industries have been starting poinl to industrialise and integrate to global market for less developed countries like Japan began its econornic development by emphasising textile
and apparel production
in
the I930's and become a model for newcomerr toth"
gtobat market (Jarnow&
Dickeron, 1997). Most
of
the governmentsin
less developed producing countries assume that textile andapparel industries are priorities in their countries' development and besides these industries constitutes main source
of
employment and foreign currencyfor
these countlies. Therefore,it
could be argued thar, grear majorityof
national governments in less developed countries that are integrated to the globa-i value cha"inof
these industries especially after the 1980's, are unable or unwilling to enforce both their own leeislation and
internationally recognised standards regulating business activities, working conditions and labJur practices
by
consideringfull
compliancewith
all
these rules and regulations would negatively affect their national, competitiveness. Under- intense, competition andprice
pressure, producingcompinies
or
suppliersof
transnationals and__retailerstend.to
inlo,r.malisetheir
operations either deliberafely.or
compuisory.,Foiexample, about 90Va of all new
job
in Africa were created in the informal sector in the 1990's (Wick. 2003).Another cxample c:rn be given fronr Turkey, which is one of the leading producer and exporter in the sector.
In
Turkey, while total employmentin
the sectoris
more than 3million
only 538709 workers representing about 207o of total viorkforce are registered (Kaya, 2003),At fist
sight, on one handit
Seems that these informalisation process workin
favour of transnationals, which are working under high pressurefor
cost reductions and local responsiveness (Bartlett&
Ghoshal. l9g9)trying
to create a global webdf
value creation activities,with
different stageSof
the value chain being dispersed to those location around the globe where value added is maximised or where cost of value creationare
minimized(Hill,
2001)-'
But on
the
other hand,it
also generates. important challenges creating opportunities for some and threatsfor
the others. Therefore trqnqnationals went beyond pR activity in.their CSR practices aimto
dominate over the entire value chain including.In
this context, they require tireirproducei
to
comply
with both
iocal.legisiation
of
producer andirles
of
the
codes;;"p;"'J
;y'il;
transnationals concerned. This requirement is functional on the process of formalisation or re-formalisationof
already infonnalised segmentof
lhesector.
For example, Reebok, oneof
the participation companyof
FLA,
monitors their productionunit
in Turkey on ttleir compliancewith
the rules tiothiefined
in
national legislation andFLA
codein
order to assure fonnal business activity and labour practicesin
its
suppliers.Similar
observation couldbe
madefor
other transnational companies,who
arethe
memberof
rnulti-stakeholder initiatives, like M&S, Next, Levi Strauss, Mothercare etc.5,
Creation
of
Transnational Regulations
afd
Legal
Framev'ork'
Traninational regulationsset forth rules aiming to regulate activities of TNC's are not new. Their roots go back to the Conventions
of
theILO,
theOECD
"Guidelinesof
Multinational Enterprises"of
1976 revisedin
June 2000.the
ILO "Tripartite Declarationof
Principles concerning Multinational Enterprises and Socialpolicy!
of
1977 andnumber
of
similar
codesin
the
1970's.Although
these international instruments.soughtto
protect thesovereignty of countries by defining the responsibilities of international business (Kearney
&
Juslice, 2003),they are criticised
by
their lackof
enforcement and failure to produce positive resultsin
practice (Wick,2003).
As
already mentioned, someTNC's
especially those participatein
multi-stakeholder initiative, have beeninitiated a kind of new regulation mechanism, which could be defined as a new legal framework in the global activities of TNC's. Participating companies of the multi-stakeholder initiatives are liable to put the rules and codes emposed by the multi-stakeholders into practice in their entire supply chain. Therefore these codes are
binding for all parties both in the relalionship between multi-stakeholder initiatives and their member TNC's, and between TNC's and their suppliers. Since the codes of adapted by a multi-stakeholder initiative are a sorr
of
binding rulesfor
the parties concerned, these codes would be considered asa
sortof
new regulation mechanism, which transcend national boundarieswithin
the frameworkof
working conditions-J
lubou, practices at global level. The reason why TNC's tend to initiate this sort of practic"Jmay be associated withtheir strategy of dominating entire.value chain
will
be discussedlatef
6.
New
Ways
of
Preventing
NewEntranfs.'
Leading companiesin
any market have always tried to prevent potential rivals from entering to their markets as Porter (1979) advocated in his competitive sraregy arguments. Butin
recent years,it
seems thatTNC's
have beganto
implement new strategyfor
hindering potential entrants and set up proactive and effective influence on their'suppliers.It
could be said that thefor this aim by TNC's. Trough the intemational sub-contracting system in apparel industry, a great amount
of
income has been transferred to producers in less developed countries.The income could be considered as the main source of both the capital accumularion for individual suppliers, and wages
for
workers employed by these suppliers. TNC's seems to influence income distribution processbetween local employers and enrployees through code of conduct practices indirectly. Prohibition of forcecl
labour, prohibition of child labour, prohibition of discrimination, respect of freedom of association and right
to
bargain collectively, acceptable hoursof
work,
occupational health and safety, and establishmentof
employment relationship are common rulesof
the multi-stakeholder codesof
conduct. Moreover, livingwages for employees is perquisite for some codes, like ETI's codes. Compliance with these codes inevitably results in increase in production costs of suppliers and decrease in their profit margin.
Another mechanism that TNC's use to prevent potential entrants is that they contact to or supply from high number of producers in order to control growth of local suppliers. For example, the famous retail chain, the Gap, having annual purchasing
of
6.5billion
Dollars approximately, purchased 200million
Dollars ofgarment products representing only 3Vo of its total purchasing just through its Istanbul buying office, that is
one of the biggest buying office in the world, in 2001 ($enkul, 2001). According to the Gap's Isranbul buying ofhce gqneral manager Gtnsan Qetin, Gap has 71 suppliers in Turkey ($enkul, 2001). But when the actual situation in Turkey is considered this number is higher than the mentioned figure as the suppliers of the Gap
outsource some part
of
their operationto their
sub-contractors. For example, oneof
the Gap's supqlier, Yegim Tekstil, has tensof
sub-contractors. As Gap case indicates,TNC's
purchasing from high numbdr of'
suppliers worldwide insteadof depending on limited number of suppliers set up a kind of control mechanism .over their suppliers' growth in order,to prevent them from entering to their industry as new competitors.
In this context;
it
is almost impossible for suppliers to enter to the global apparel industry as independent andnew entrants, especially When considered global decline
in
end-product price and severe global competitionin
the industry, thatit
is on ,its own means decreasein profit
marginof
suppliersin
particular. This can be clearly seen from Turkey's the quantity and price index. Between 1994 and 2001, while the quantity index raisedfrom
100to
151.1, the price indexfall
downfroni
100to
85.6, representing 1l.37o increases in quantity, and 5.3Vo decrease in price (Giingdr, 2002).7.
New
Ways
of
Enlarging Market
Volume:
Asit
has been aiready menrioned, dominating effect ofTNC's
over the
supply chain resultsin
increasein
production costsof
suppliers mainlydui
to
code compliance.Most
of
all
these coderules
like living
wage, freedomof
aiiociation,
right
to
bargaincollectively; prohibition of child labour and discrimination etc. leacl to certain amounr of increise in wages
of
employeesin
producing companies on one hand, and impose suppliers to operate on registered basein
thesector on the other hand. The implication of this statement is basically that supplier operating in compliance
with both their own national legislation and the codes of conduct imposed by the multi-stakeholder initiatives
pay higher wage than the others especially those
in
the informal partof
the sector. All,these mechanisrns could be considered as new waysof
enlarging market volume. Informal partof
the sector where averagewages relatively low may constitute great majority
of
total labour force, 80Voin
Turkey case (Kaya, 2003).This individual
case should not be considered asa
unique case as Dicken (1999) constantly itates that unregistered employmentis
a common practice especiallyin
producing countries particularlyin
apparelindustry.
At first
sight,it
could be interpreted asif
these instruments that leadto
increase wages operates againstTNC's benefits. But when they are carefully analysed,
it
can also be commended that theie dynamics are new opportunitiesfor
specificallyTNC's
andin
general global economy, which would be interpreted as a new instrumentin
overcoming current global crisisjust
like
the Keynesian Policies implied after the Second World War at national levels with a slight difference. The main difference from eariier Keynesian policies may be the fact that the global crisis is tried to overcome by multilateral initiatives ut globul level this timeratlrer than depending on national governments.
I-lY-y
b.
argued that enlarging market volume is in favour of all the actors in global industry, not only theTNC's
involvedin
multi-stakeholder initiatives.It
should be noticed at this point participatingTNC's of
multi-staketrolder initiatives may enforce other TNC's, which have not involved in thiskindof
initiatives yetadopting
similar
policiesby
also using the powerof
other participating partiesin
the multi-stakeholderinitiatives. One
of
the meaningful examples is the campaign against the GAp Inc. launched bv the Union ofNeedletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees
(UMTE)
in the USA and Inrernationaltextili
Garmenr andLeather Workers' Federation (ITGLWF, 2002). GAP has become a member
of ETI
from the besinnine of2004. Besides some large German retailers like Karstadt-Quella, Otto, Metro and Nekkerman
haie
alrJaclystarted social model projects related corporate social responsibility, and some large Swedish retailers like
H&M
and Lindex have been launching similar corporate social responsibility projects with the participation8.
New Combination
to Diminish
Bargaining
Power
of
Suppliers.'
Accordingro
porter's introductionof
the five-forces framework, the structureof
an industry determines the stateof
competitionwithin
that industry and sets the contextfor
companies' conduct, namely their strategy: "The collective strength of these forces (Threat of new entrants, bargaining power of suppliers, bargaining power of buyers, treat of substitutes, intensity of rivalry) determines the ultimate profit potential of an industry" (porter, 1980).In this model competition is determined by the structural conditions of the industry, as outside-in perspecrive. However, Schmalensee (1985) and Rumelt (1991) found that induStry effect was dominated by firm effect as
inside-out perspective. Baden-Fuller and Stopford (1994) showed
that
entrepreneurial organizations in tnature industries generates profits higher than average industry profit by creating innovations that solve old dilemmas like low cost and diversity, quality and productivity, speed andflexibility
The fact that there are vast numbers of small and medium size enterprises producing for international market
in apparel industry provides dominating TNC's a Fruitful ground to diminish bargaining power
of
suppliers.While TNC's have internationalised their production opeiations they have been using a variety
of
methods, notably international subcontracting, licensing and other forms of non-equity intemational investment, which do not necessarily involve equity participation (Dicken,1999). Especially major inremational retail chainsand buying groups exert
enormous purchasingpower and
Ieverageover
clcithing manufacturer as international buying operations are highly concentrated while the production and retailing-ofclothing may befragmented in individual markets (Dicken, 1999).
It,seems that dominating companies have found a new and effective combination to diminish bargaining power of supplier with the inside-out perspective.
It
is observed that the importance of buying office has beenincreasing in purchasing practices of TNC's particularly in appalel industry. For example, abo,tt20Vo of total exportation
of
Turkey (Yrldrnm, 2002)in
2001and
about 33Voof
Turkish apparel exportation realised through only foreign buying officesin
2002 (Qorlu&
Ozer, 2003).Increasing number of TNC's have beenpurchasing their goods through buying offices located in different part
of
the world., In addition to this, like the GAP.case in Turkey, each buying office located in a certain country controls a number of producers bothin
their
location and surroundings.For
example, Istanbul buyingoffice
of
theGAP
controls Morocco,Tunisia, Egypt, Malta, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkmenistan as
well
as Turkey, andis
integratedwith
mainbuying
office
in
Hong Kong ($enkul, 2001).In
an industry where demand dominatedby
the purchasing policies of the major multiple retailing chains (Dicken, 1999) and products manufactured by vast number ofsuppliers,
buying
offices havevital
rolesin
diminishing bargaining powerof
suppliers.Buying
offices effectively function in coping with the current challenges of the combination of low cost, quality; variety andspeed enabling
TNC's to
source their inputswith
required quality and variety atlowei
cosiflexibly
andsimultaneously.
CONCLUSION
Today's battle among leading and dominating firms are competing for access to and control over comperence and standards (Hamel
&
Prahalad, 1994) with fine-tuned strategic architecture that establishes objectives for objectives competencebuilding,
andis
a tool
for
communicatingwith
costumers and, other external constituents (Prahalad&
Hamel, 1990).TNC's
in
their effort to gain advantageous positionin
pre-market competitionfor
the future (Hamel&
Prahalad, 1994; Prahalad&
Hamel, 1990; Prahalad&
Hamel, 1994)seems
to.face with
the challengein
changingtheir
strategic architecturein
orderto
create sustained competitive advantagein
the lastera.
In
recent yearsit
is
witnessed that the competitive advantage ofTNC's is
increasingly based on the combinationof
price, volume, quality, speed, mais customisation anddominating
of
global value chain, and especially the changesin
strategic architectureof TNC's
are takingplace based mainly on dominating of global value chain. We observed eight new patterns of the dominatin!
of
global value
chainin
the changing strategic architecfureof
TNC's
in
the new
eraof
competitiv!advantage,
which are the new
implementationsof
corporate social responsibility,new
waysof
code formation and implementation, beingpart
of
Multi-Stakeholder Initiatives as mainfacilitatoi
of
GlobalEthical Trade, formalisation
of
industriesin
producing countries, creationof
transnational resulations and legal framework, new waysof
preventing new entrants, new waysof
enlarging marketvolime,
and new combination to diminish bargaining power of suppliers.All
these pattbms of being main dominator of globalvalue chain
is
believedto
be fourth"global
leveragepoint"
thatwill
enableTNC's
to
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