PERCEPTIONS OF THE FOREIGN POLICIES
AND TURKEY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA:
AN ELITE PERSPECTIVE OF CAMEROON AND COTE D’IVOIRE
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO
THE GRADUATE INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF ANKARA
YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY
NKWAH AKONGNWI NGWA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
THE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
SUPERVISED BY
ERCEPTIONS OF THE FOREIGN POLICIES OF FRANCE
AND TURKEY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA:
PERSPECTIVE OF CAMEROON AND COTE D’IVOIRE
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO
INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF ANKARA
YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY
BY
NKWAH AKONGNWI NGWA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR
THE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
SUPERVISED BY:
PROF. DR. BİROL AKGÜN
JANUARY 2019
OF FRANCE
AND TURKEY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA:
PERSPECTIVE OF CAMEROON AND COTE D’IVOIRE
INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF ANKARA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
THE DEPARTMENT OF
ii Approval of the Institute of Social Sciences
________________________ (Title and Name)
Manager of Institute
I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
________________________
(Title and Name) Head of Department
This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science/Arts/Doctor of Philosophy.
Examining Committee Members
Prof. Dr. Birol AKGÜN: Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University (AYBU), Graduate School of
Social Sciences/International Relations Department ________________________
Prof.Dr. Muhittin ATAMAN: Social Science University of Ankara (ASBU) ________________________
Doç. Dr. Giray SADIK: Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University (AYBU), Faculty of Political
Science/ International Relations ________________________
Doç. Dr. Guliz DINÇ: Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University (AYBU), Faculty of Political Science
and Public Administration ________________________
Doç. Dr. Mehmet Akif KİREÇCİ: Bilkent University/History Department
________________________
Dr.Muhammed Hüseyin MERCAN: AYBU-Faculty of Political Science/ International
Relations
Dr. Metin ÇELİK: Selçuk University/ Department of International Relations ________________________
(Title and Name) Co-Supervisor
________________________ (Title and Name)
iii PLAGIARISM PAGE
I hereby declare that all information in this thesis has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this
work; otherwise I accept all legal responsibility.
NKWAH AKONGNWI NGWA
iv
ABSTRACT
PERCEPTIONS OF THE FOREIGN POLICIES OF FRANCE AND TURKEY IN
FRANCOPHONE AFRICA:
AN ELITE PERSPECTIVE OF CAMEROON AND COTE D’IVOIRE NKWAH AKONGNWI NGWA
Ph. D. Department of International Relations
Supervisor: PROF.DR. BİROL AKGÜN January 2019, 319 pages
This thesis attempts to explain how the external perceptions of a state’s foreign policy tells of its effectiveness bearing in mind that the most frequently used categories are policy effectiveness in terms of ‘goal attainment’ and in terms of ‘problem-solving’. As such, given a changing global environment, developing capabilities and priorities, France and Turkey are currently re-evaluating their role in the world in the 21st century, adjusting their foreign policies in many areas, not least in Africa, but more particularly in French-Speaking African Countries (FSACs). Within this context, the foreign policy activism and influence of France or Turkey in Africa have respectively been one of the hotly debated topics since the early 2000s. But there have been few systematic attempts to test the relevant proposition of this debate. This research, therefore, sets out in an effort to test the French and Turkish 21st-century influence or effectiveness thesis within a particular region: Francophone Africa (FrA). To test this foreign policy influence requires addressing two fundamental questions: What respectively justifies France’s or Turkey’s active
re-engagement and re-engagement in FrA in the 21st century and how either state’s new foreign policy orientation is perceived by Francophone African Elites (FAE)
External Perception is the most distinctive feature of the study, given the fact that the opinions and perceptions of FAE on the foreign policies of these two powers on the continent will be studied for the first time. In effect, positive perceptions may enhance positive policy effectiveness and negative perceptions may translate a decrease in influence or generate resentment. Nevertheless, a positive external perception does not necessarily translate positive policy effectiveness. Within this framework, the thesis scrutinizes the assumption that understanding how a state is seen by the outsiders and how these perceptions are shaped are of huge concern to the state itself in terms of the practice of
v state policy-making, policy implementation as well as policy effectiveness within the development of the foreign policy analysis discipline. To this end, this research employed an eclectic method of investigation, with the combination of descriptive and historical methods of data collection. A cross-country survey was conducted by the mixed-mode method including Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) and Face-to-Face Interviewing (F2F) of Elites. CATI and F2F were conducted on two (2) Francophone-African Countries (Cameroon and Côte d’Ivoire).
With particular emphasis on some selected foreign policy areas of French and Turkish endeavours in Africa and through a constructivist theory, while using a well-defined analytical framework and a process-tracing methodological approach to assess the perceptions FAE, the measurement of the effectiveness of the foreign policy’s of either powers in this thesis suggests the following findings: There is a direct co-relation between the ideas that shaped FAE perceptions at time t-1 and the revealed perceptions at the time t and maybe in future at the time t+1. Hence, the perspectives of FAE on France and Turkey in the 21st century are shaped by endogenous and exogenous sources or ideas. Consequently, while France is a status-quo state with a Negative African elite (external)
perception of its Foreign Policy in FSACs, but with an adequate effectiveness in areas such as: security, promotion of international fundamental values and promotion economic development and trade, Turkey on its part is perceived as a revisionist state with a Positive African elite (external) perception of its Foreign Policy and an effectiveness in the promotion of human dignity, south-south development cooperation, investment and humanitarianism, but with a limited effectiveness in areas such as: fight against international terrorism, promotion of international fundamental values and promotion economic development.
Since external perceptions do matter to either state as they need to know how their activities are perceived so as to address or redress their foreign policies accordingly, this research outlines two important contributions that could enhance positive outcomes on the future of Franco-African and Turco-African relations: the implementation of an overarching Public Diplomacy strategy and a Triangular cooperation.
Keywords: Foreign Policy Effectiveness, External Perception, Image theory,
vi ÖZET
FRANKOFON AFRİKA ÜLKELERİNDE FRANSA VE TÜRKİYE DIŞ
POLİTİKASI ALGILARI:
KAMERUN VE FİLDİŞİ SAHİLİ ELİTLERI’NIN BAKIŞI NKWAH AKONGNWI NGWA
Ph.D. Uluslararası İlişkiler Ana Bilim Dalı
Danışman: PROF.DR. BİROL AKGÜN
Oçak 2019, 319 Sayfa
Bu tez; bir devletin dış politikasında, harici algıları için sıklıkla kullandığı ‘hedefe ulaşma’ ve ‘problem çözme’ kategorilerini bir politika etkinliği olduğunu kabul ederek bunu nasıl yönlendirdiğini açıklamaya çalışmaktadır. Bu nedenle değişen küresel ortamın sağladığı -gelişmekte olan- kapasiteler ve öncelikler, Fransa ve Türkiye için mevcut dış politikalarını sadece Afrika’da değil, özellikle Fransızca konuşan Afrika ülkelerinde (FSACs) 21. yüzyıl dünya siyasetindeki rollerini birçok alanda yeniden değerlendiriyor. Bu bağlamda, Afrika’da Fransa ya da Türkiye’nin dış politika etkinliği ve etkisi 2000'li yılların başından itibaren sıcak gündem maddelerinden biri oldu ve bu tartışmanın ilgili önerlerini test etmek için literatür’de birkaç sistematik girişim çalışma bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışma, 21.yüzyılda Fransız ve Türk etkisi ya da etkinliği tezini belirli bir bölgede- Frankofon Afrika (FrA) - test etmeye çalışmaktadır. Bu dış politika etkisini test etmek için sırasıyla; Fransa'nın veya Türkiye'nin 21. yüzyılda FrA'da yeniden aktif katılımını haklı kılan nedenlerini ve devletlerin yeni dış politika yöneliminin Frankafon Afrika Elitleri (FAE) tarafından nasıl algılandığı yönünde iki temel sorunsalı ele almaktadır.
Harici algı, FAE'nin kıtadaki bu iki gücün dış politikaları hakkındaki görüş ve algılarının ilk kez incelenmesi çalışmanın en belirgin özelliğidir. Sonuç olarak, olumlu algılamalar olumlu politika etkinliğini artırabilmekte ve olumsuz algılamalar etkide bir düşüş oluşturabilmekte veya öfke durumunu doğurabilmektedir. Bu çerçevede yapılan bilimsel çalışma, dış politika analiz disiplininin geliştirilmesinde, devlet politikası oluşturma sürecinde bir devletin yabancılar tarafından nasıl görüldüğünü ve bu algıların nasıl şekillendirdiğini anlamak, politika uygulaması ve politika etkinliği açısından, devletin kendisi için nasıl büyük bir endişe kaynağı olduğu incelenmektedir. Bu amaçla, bu araştırmada, tanımlayıcı ve tarihsel veri toplama yöntemlerinin kombinasyonu ile eklektik bir araştırma yöntemi kullanıldı. Bilgisayar Destekli Telefon
vii Görüşmesi (CATI) ve Yüz Yüze Görüşme (F2F) de dahil olmak üzere karma mod yöntemi tarafından bir çapraz araştırma metodu uygulandı. CATI ve F2F iki (2) Frankofon-Afrika ülkesi (Kamerun ve Fildişi Sahili) üzerinde yürütüldü.
Afrika'daki Fransız ve Türk girişimleri için seçilmiş bazı dış politika alanları konstrüktivist teori ile ele alınırken; FAE algılarını değerlendirmek için iyi tanımlanmış bir analitik çerçeve ve süreç izlemesi için metodolojik yaklaşım kullanıldı ve dış politikanın bu tezdeki her iki gücün etkinliğinin ölçülmesi aşağıdaki bulguları gösterdi: T-1 zamanında FAE algılarını şekillendiren fikirler ile T zamanında ve belki de gelecekteki T+ 1 zamanında ortaya çıkan algılamalar arasında doğrudan bir ilişki vardır. Bu nedenle, FAE'nin 21. yüzyılda Fransa ve Türkiye üzerindeki perspektifleri dahili (endojen) ve harici (eksojen) kaynaklar veya fikirler ile şekillenmiştir. Sonuç olarak, Fransa, FSACs'deki dış politikası olumsuz bir Afrika elit (dış)
algısına sahip statüko yanlısı bir devlet olmakla birlikte; güvenlik, uluslararası temel değerlerin geliştirilmesi ve ekonomik kalkınmanın ve ticaretin teşvik edilmesi gibi alanlarda yeterli bir etkinliğe sahiptir. Türkiye ise, FSACs'deki dış politikasının olumlu bir Afrika elit (dış) algısına sahip olan revizyonist bir devlettir ve insanlık onurunun, güney-güney kalkınmanın işbirliğinin, yatırımın ve insanlığın teşvik edilmesinde etkinliğin sağlarken, ancak uluslararası terörizm, uluslararası temel değerlerin tanıtımı ve ekonomik kalkınmanın teşvik edilmesi alanlarında sınırlı bir etkinliğe sahiptir. Harici algılar, devletlerin dış politikalarında nasıl algılandıklarını ve
ne şekilde algılarını düzelteceklerini bilmelerini göstermesi bakımından önemli olduğu için, bu araştırma, Fransa ve Frankofon Afrika ve Türkiye ve Frankofon Afrika ilişkilerinin geleceği ile ilgili olumlu sonuçları artırabilecek iki önemli katkıyı, kapsamlı bir kamu diplomasisi stratejisinin uygulanması ve üçlü iş birliğini özetlemektedir.
Anahtar: Kelimler: Dış Politika Etkinliği, Harici Algı, İmaj Teorisi, Frankofon Afrika Ülkeleri,
viii RESUME
PERCEPTIONS DES POLITIQUES ÉTRANGÈRES DE LA FRANCE ET DE
LA TURQUIE EN AFRIQUE FRANCOPHONE:
UNE PERSPECTIVE D'ÉLITE DU CAMEROUN ET DE LA CÔTE D'IVOIRE
NKWAH AKONGNWI NGWA
Ph.D. Département des Relations Internationales
Superviseur: PROF.DR. BİROL AKGÜN
Janvier 2019, 319 pages
Cette thèse tente d'expliquer comment les perceptions externes de la politique étrangère d'un État révèlent son efficacité en gardant à l'esprit que les catégories les plus fréquemment utilisées sont l'efficacité des politiques en termes d’‘atteinte des objectifs’et de ‘résolution de problèmes’. En tant que tel, étant donné l'évolution de l'environnement mondial, le développement des capacités et des priorités, la France et la Turquie réévaluent actuellement leur rôle dans le monde au XXIe siècle, en ajustant leurs politiques étrangères dans de nombreux domaines, notamment en Afrique, mais plus particulièrement dans les pays francophones (FSACs). Dans ce contexte, l'activisme et l'influence de la politique étrangère de la France ou de la Turquie en Afrique ont été, respectivement, l'un des sujets les plus controversés depuis le début des années 2000. Mais il y a eu peu de tentatives systématiques pour tester la proposition pertinente de ce débat. Cette recherche vise donc à tester l'influence française et turque au XXIe siècle ou la thèse de l'efficacité dans une région donnée : l'Afrique francophone (FrA).Pour tester cette influence de la politique étrangère, il faut aborder deux questions fondamentales :qu’est ce
qui justifie respectivement le réengagement et l'engagement actif de la France ou de la Turquie dans la FrA au XXIe siècle et comment l'orientation de la nouvelle orientation de la politique étrangère de l'État est perçue par les Elites Africaines Francophones (FAE).
La perception externe est la caractéristique la plus distinctive de l'étude, étant donné que les opinions et les perceptions des FAE sur les politiques étrangères de ces deux puissances sur le continent seront étudiées pour la première fois. En effet, les perceptions positives peuvent améliorer l'efficacité des politiques positives et les perceptions négatives peuvent traduire une diminution de l'influence ou générer du ressentiment. Néanmoins, une perception externe positive, ne traduit pas nécessairement l'efficacité politique positive. Dans ce cadre, la thèse scrute l'hypothèse que la compréhension de la façon dont un État est vu par les étrangers et
ix comment ces perceptions sont façonnées sont d'une grande importance pour l'État lui-même en termes d’élaboration des politiques de l'État, de la mise en œuvre de ces politiques, ainsi que de l'efficacité politique dans le développement de la discipline d'analyse de politique étrangère. À cette fin, cette recherche a employé une méthode éclectique d'investigation, avec la combinaison des méthodes descriptives et historiques de la collecte de données. Une enquête transversale a été menée par la méthode du mode mixte, comprenant l'interview téléphonique assistée par ordinateur (CATI) et l'interview face-à-face (F2F). Ces deux méthodes ont été conduites sur deux (2) pays francophones-africains (Cameroun et Côte d'Ivoire).
Avec un accent particulier sur des domaines triés de la politique étrangère française et les efforts turcs en Afrique et à travers une théorie constructiviste, tout en utilisant un cadre analytique bien défini et une approche méthodologique processuelle pour évaluer les perceptions des FAE, la mesure de l'efficacité de la politique étrangère de l'un ou l'autre des pouvoirs dans cette thèse suggère les résultats suivants: il existe une relation directe entre les idées qui ont façonné les perceptions des FAE au temps T-1 et les perceptions révélées au temps T et peut-être à l'avenir à l'époque T + 1.Ainsi, les perspectives des FAE sur la France et la Turquie au XXIe siècle sont façonnées par des sources ou des idées endogènes et exogènes. Par conséquent,
la France est un État statu quo avec une perception négative de l'élite africaine (externe) de sa politique étrangère dans les FSACs, mais avec une efficacité adéquate dans des domaines tels que : la sécurité, la promotion des valeurs fondamentales internationales et la promotion développement économique et le commerce. Toutefois, la Turquie de son côté est un État révisionniste avec une perception positive de l’élite africaine (externe) de sa politique étrangère dans les FSACs, et une efficacité dans la promotion de la dignité humaine, la coopération au développement Sud-Sud, l'investissement et l'humanisme, mais avec une efficacité limitée dans des domaines tels que: lutte contre le terrorisme international, la promotion des valeurs fondamentales internationales et promotion du développement économique.
Étant donné que les perceptions externes ont de l'importance pour l'un ou l'autre État car elles doivent savoir comment leurs activités sont perçues de manière à aborder ou à redresser leurs politiques étrangères en conséquence, cette recherche décrit deux contributions importantes qui pourraient améliorer les résultats positifs sur l'avenir des relations franco-africaines et turco-africaines :la mise en œuvre d'une stratégie de diplomatie publique globale et d'une coopération triangulaire.
Mots-clés : Efficacité de la Politique Etrangère, Perception Externe, Théorie de l'Image,
x
DEDICATION
To my wife and children:
Mrs. Mambo Patience Anye Tankem
&
Nkwah Emmanuel Anye Ngwa
Nkwah Joseph Che Ngwa
Nkwah Daniel Ambe Ngwa
Nkwah Gabriel Kemal Ngwa
In
Exchange for the years
I couldn't share their smiles.
xi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Every International Relations Scholar admits that carrying out a comprehensive research and writing would be impossible without the help and contribution of distinguished personalities, especially, senior lecturers, colleagues, officials, and family. They would also admit that their Doctoral study was an integral part of their life for at least three to five years until they completed it. I wouldn’t tell something different. The hardships I encountered during this period and at the same time a strong belief that my study assured me a unique privilege of maintaining scholarly pursuits guided my life throughout these years.
Heading towards the end of a long journey, I would like to express my deep appreciation to Prof. Dr. Birol AKGÜN, my thesis supervisor and the head of the Department of International Relations at the Graduate School of Social Sciences of AYBU. His continuous academic guidance and constructive contributions have led me to successfully deal with my research question. In times of difficulties in building my argumentation, my talks with him enabled me to focus my attention on the right direction without diverging from the main idea of this research. In my quest how to combine theory with practice, I would most probably have failed absent his suggestions and recommendations. In effect, thanks to his valuable and critical comments, I was able to revisit my research project with fresh eyes in order to make the work academically more meaningful.
I acknowledge with much appreciation the generosity, guidance, and encouragement of several distinguished scholars throughout this journey: Prof. Dr. Muhittin ATAMAN, Assoc. Dr. Giray SADIK and Assoc. Dr. Guliz DINÇ for their time and ideas to comment on the manuscript during the various evaluation phases of this thesis. Sincere thanks to Assoc. Dr. Mehmet Özkan for his suggestions and critiques from the first draft to the final drafts of this research has always been a source of clarity when there was too much clouding my thoughts. My sincere appreciation is also due to Prof. Dr. Mehmet ŞAHIN and Asst. Dr. Mustafa Cüneyt Özşahin who were always happy to listen to my ideas and offer advice.
I am grateful to all by Ph.D. classmates with whom we started long journey together as well as to all interviewees for their valuable time spent with me. My special gratitude is extended to Cameroonian, French, Ivorian and Turkish Government Officials as well as some private sector individuals who fully supported my research and helped me contact people I needed to meet. Their contributions to collecting significantly important evidence for this research were enormous. Thanks also to the Europa-Institut at Saarland University-Germany as well as the SDE, SETA and Africa
xii Foundation think-tank’s in Turkey, who all allowed me to use their libraries and furnished me with countless memoirs, precious first-hand sources, and numerous out of print books which greatly helped me to reach the depth I needed to complete this dissertation.
I am sure that I could not finish this work without the encouragement and patience of my parents and my entire family. Throughout the years of my study, they constantly supported my ideal to proceed in a scholarly life. If this work is a success, I would like to dedicate it to entire NKWAH’s FAMILY.
In effect, without the support, encouragement, and seemingly limitless patience of my wife, I would have never been able to start, let alone complete, this thesis. (Thank you for believing in me, especially in moments when I did not!) Despite the fact that she is busy with demanding work as a banker, she has given me immeasurable emotional support all through my Ph.D. program starting from the application process to the finalizing my thesis. Not only her emotional support but also her constructive comments and thoughtful advice have been essential ingredients for the success of this project. I could not have accomplished this long journey without her. I would also like to thank my four beloved children: Emmanuel, Joseph, Daniel, and Gabriel, while at the same time, apologizing to them for not being able to be together with them as much as they sometimes wished.
Last but not least, I would sincerely like to thank the Government of Cameroon, especially the Ministry of External Relations of Cameroon for giving me a study leave to permit me further my studies in Turkey. Special gratitude equally goes to the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), for providing me a scholarship and the great opportunity of carrying out my Ph.D. project in many research centers in France, Germany, and Switzerland. My research experience Turkey has been a precious moment in my life since it allowed me to discover the deep and infinite world of academic endeavours. With this good
xiii TABLE OF CONTENT ABSTRACT ... iv ÖZET... vi RESUME... viii DEDICATION ... x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ... xi
TABLE OF CONTENT ... xiii
LIST OF TABLES ... xxiii
LIST OF FIGURES ... xxiv
LIST OF GRAPHS ... xxv
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ... xxvi
GENERAL INTRODUCTION ... 1
CHAPTER ONE: ... 1
1.1 Context and Justification ... 1
1.1.1 Why Francophone Africa? ... 6
1.1.2 Why analyze the perception of France and Turkey from a foreign policy perspective? ... 8
1.1.3 Why study the foreign policy effectiveness of either France or Turkey in Francophone Africa?... ... 9
1.2 Clarification of Concepts and Terms ... 10
1.2.3 Foreign Policy ... 10
1.2.4 Policy Effectiveness ... 10
1.2.5 Elite ... 11
1.2.6 Perceptions, Views and Perspectives ... 12
1.2.7 Francophone-Africa ... 13
1.3 Research Question and Literature Review ... 14
1.3.1 Problem Statement and Sub Statements ... 14
xiv
1.3.2.1 African perceptions of either France or Turkey: A blind spot in the literature ... 15
1.3.2.2 The need for a comparative perspective ... 18
1.3.2.3 21st Century French and Turkish Foreign policies towards Africa ... 21
1.4 Hypotheses ... 24
1.5 Research Objectives and Interest ... 27
1.5.1 Aims and Benefits ... 27
1.5.2 Interest of the Research... 28
1.6 Delimitations of Research ... 29
1.6.1 Geographical delimitation ... 29
1.6.2 Historical delimitation (Time Frame) ... 30
1.7 Structure of the thesis ... 31
CHAPTER TWO: STUDYING EXTERNAL PERCEPTIONS IN INTETNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORIES: ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLICAL APPROACHES...33
2.1 Perceptions and International Relations Theories ... 34
2.1.1 Perceptions and Constructivism ... 37
2.1.2 Image Theory of International Relations... 38
2.1.2.1 Decision Maker Level ... 40
2.1.2.1.1 Elite Level ... 41
2.1.2.1.2 General Public Level ... 42
2.1.2.1.3 International Level ... 43
2.2 Analytical Framework ... 44
2.2.1 Addressing State Foreign Policy Effectiveness ... 44
2.2.1.1 Measuring the Effectiveness of a State’s Foreign Policy ... 45
2.2.1.1.1 Visibility ... 47
2.2.1.1.2 Actorness ... 47
2.2.1.1.3 Cognitive Resonance ... 47
xv
2.2.1.2 Explanatory Variables (endogenous and exogenous) ... 48
2.3 Methodology and Source of Material ... 48
2.3.1 An overview of the methodological approaches ... 48
2.3.1.1 Mixed Approaches: ... 49
2.3.1.1.1 The Socio-historical Approaches ... 49
2.3.1.1.2 Survey ... 50
2.3.1.1.3 Sampled interview ... 50
2.3.1.1.4 Content analysis ... 51
2.3.1.1.5 Process-tracing ... 53
2.3.2 Data Sources and Analyses ... 54
2.4 Research Design ... 56
2.4.1 Assessing External Perceptions – The Dependent Variable... 59
2.4.1.1 Key decisions regarding image study (perceptions) ... 59
2.4.1.1.1 The perceivers in this research ... 59
2.4.1.1.2 The Perceived ... 60
2.4.2 Foreign policy as an independent variable ... 60
2.4.3 Issue Foreign Policy Areas of the Perceived ... 61
2.4.4 Dimensions of the Perceived ... 63
2.4.4.1 Why Study Capability? (Foreign Policy) Influence ... 63
2.4.4.2 Why Study Threat and Opportunity? ... 64
CONCLUSION... 66
CHAPTER THREE: TURKEY’S ENGAGEMENT IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY: CONCEPTUALISATION, IMPLEMENTATION AND THE ANATOMY OF A DYNAMIC FOREIGN POLICY ... 67
3.1 Historiography of 21st Century Turkey-African Relations ... 68
3.1.1 A Discussion of Turkish African Policy Post 15th July Failed Coup d’Etat ... 72
3.2 Conceptualization of Turkey-Francophone Africa Relations in the New World Order... ... 75
xvi
3.2.1 The Concept of Strategic Depth. ... 76
3.2.2 The Concept of Bridge and Axis Strategic Posture ... 77
3.2.3 The Concept of Education and Humanitarian Diplomacy... 80
3.3 Turkey's Francophone African policy: A Post-international implementation Approach…... 83
3.3.1 An Overview of the post-international implementation perspectıve of foreign policy..……… ... 83
3.3.2 Post-internationalism in the implementation of Turkey's Francophone African policy..……… ... 86
3.3.2.1 Cooperative interaction: ... 86
3.3.2.2 Complementary interaction: ... 92
3.3.2.3 Supplementary interaction ... 95
3.3.2.4 Conflictual interaction ... 100
3.4 The Anatomy of Turkey’s Soft Power in Francophone Africa ... 102
3.4.1 The analysis of political relations between Turkey and Francophone African countries in the 21st century ... 102
3.4.1.1 Meaning and Importance of the Year of Africa: ... 103
3.4.1.2 Bilateral Official Visits and Agreements: ... 103
3.4.1.3 Observer Status of Turkey in the African Union in 2005 ... 105
3.4.1.4 Consulates and Embassies between two sides: ... 105
3.4.1.5 Strategic partnership of Turkey with African Union since 2008: ... 107
3.4.2 The analysis of Aid and Humanitarian Diplomacy... 108
3.4.3 The analysis of economic relations between turkey and francophone African countries in the 21st century ... 111
CONCLUSION... 119
CHAPTER FOUR:THE RE-ENGAGMENT OF FRANCE IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA: MOVING BEYOND CLASSICAL ORIENTATIONS TO THE EUROPEANIZATION OF AN ARRHYTHMIC FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21ST CENTURY ... 120
xvii 4.1 The Classical Francophone African Policy of France: In-Between Exclusivity,
Stability and Continuity ... 123
4.1.1 Towards a novel French Policy in Francophone Africa: Five Symbolic Events………..124
4.1.1.1 The “La Baule” Doctrine ... 125
4.1.1.2 The Abidjan doctrine and the devaluation of the CFA franc ... 126
4.1.1.3 French policy setbacks in the Great Lakes Region ... 126
4.1.1.4 French immigration policy... 128
4.1.2 Today’s New Francophone African Policy: Reaching the same goals through innovative means ... 128
4.1.2.1 Reconstruction of an Image ... 128
4.1.2.2 Stability through Multilateral Crisis Management. ... 129
4.1.2.3 Economic Quasi-Exclusiveness Through Good Economic Governance and Regionalization ... 131
4.1.2.4 Privileged Relationships with FACs and Opening to Anglophone Africa ... 133
4.1.2.5 Toward the Privatization of Parallel Networks? ... 134
4.1.3 How “NEW” is the New Francophone African Policy of France? Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose... ... 135
4.1.3.1 French military and security policy in Africa ... 135
4.1.3.2 The policies Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande: from paternalism to pragmatism… ... 138
4.2 Novel policy objectives and means to achieve policy goals in the 21st century ... 141
4.2.1 Maintaining an international status, independent of other Western and Emerging power influences ... 141
4.2.2 Securing a permanent access to strategic resources ... 142
4.2.3 Benefiting from a monopolistic situation ... 143
4.3 Means to achieve new policy goals: What Was This ‘Co-operation’ Based On?...143
xviii
4.3.2 A decisive military ‘co-operation’ to ensure political stability and the territorial
status quo…… ... 144
4.3.3 The creation of the Franc Zone ... 145
4.4 The Europeanization of France's Policy in Francophone Africa... 146
4.4.1 European cooperation in terms of Trade and Development Aid... 146
4.4.1.1 The Yaoundé Conventions (1963 - 1975): An Extension of Specialization and Colonial Preference. ... 146
4.4.1.2 The Lomé Conventions (1975 - 2000): Commercial Innovations and Aid Conditioning... 147
4.4.1.3 The Cotonou Agreement (2000): Trivialization of Relations between France and the A.C.P…… ... 148
4.4.2 The African Union - European Union Summits: An Attempt at Cooperation in Difficulty…… ... 149
4.4.3 The European security and defence strategy ... 151
4.4.3.1 France, leader of the operations carried out within the framework of the C.F.S.P……….151
4.4.3.2 From the C.F.S.P to the C.S.D.P: France still Leads ... 151
4.5 The Major Axes of Franco- Francophone African Relations in the 21st Century…… ... 153
4.5.1.1 Economic Diplomacy and Foreign Trade ... 153
4.5.1.2 Defence and Security ... 156
4.5.1.3 Development Cooperation and Assistance ... 159
4.5.1.4 Governance, Democracy and Human Rights’ ... 162
CONCLUSION... 164
CHAPTER FIVE:THE MATERIALIZATION OF FRENCH AND TURKISH FOREIGN POLICIES IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY: THE CASE OF CAMEROON AND COTE D’IVOIRE... 166
5.1 Mapping French Policies in Francophone Africa: Franco-Cameroonian and Franco-Ivorian Relations ... 167
xix
5.1.1 Franco-Cameroon Relations in the 21st Century ... 167
5.1.1.1 Economic, technical, scientific and financial cooperation ... 171
5.1.1.2 Cooperation in the field of technical assistance ... 172
5.1.1.3 Cooperation in the field of financing development projects ... 173
5.1.1.4 In the domain of support for structural adjustment and reduction of debt ... 176
5.1.1.5 Cooperation in the domain of health and emergency aid ... 176
5.1.1.6 Consular and cultural relations ... 177
5.1.1.7 Security and Defense Cooperation ... 178
5.1.1.8 French official development assistance policy ... 178
5.1.1.9 Prospects of French cooperation in Cameroon ... 180
5.1.2 France and Cote d’Ivoire in the 21st Century: A strong historical and contemporary relation ... 182
5.1.2.1 Political relations ... 186
5.1.2.2 Economic relations between France and Côte d’Ivoire ... 188
5.1.2.3 Development and Development Assistance... 190
5.2 Mapping Turkish Foreign Policy in Francophone Africa in the 21st century: An Analysis of the Experiences of Cameroon and Cote d’Ivoire ... 191
5.2.1 Relations between Cameroon and Turkey ... 192
5.2.1.1 Diplomatic and Political Relations ... 193
5.2.1.2 Economic Relations... 195
5.2.1.3 Humanitarian and Socio-cultural Relations ... 197
5.2.1.4 Judicial Relations and Cooperation in defence matters ... 199
5.2.1.5 Achievements of the Cameroon-Turkey Cooperation ... 200
5.2.2 Relations between Turkey and Cote d’Ivoire ... 201
5.2.2.1 Political (Diplomatic Engagement) ... 202
5.2.2.2 Economic and Trade ... 203
5.2.2.3 Cooperation Agreements... 206
xx
5.2.2.5 Security cooperation ... 208
5.2.3 Perspectives ... 208
CONCLUSION... 209
CHAPTER SIX: FINDINGS AND ANALYTICAL CONTRIBUTIONS: LINKING EMPIRICAL RESULTS WITH THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK ... 210
6.1 Elite Views on the Foreign Policy of France and Turkey in Francophone Africa...210
6.1.1 Visibility/Awareness ... 213
6.1.2 Actorness ... 216
6.1.3 Norm setting ... 222
6.1.4 Cognitive (Local) resonance ... 224
6.2 The Endogenous and Exogenous Sources Shaping the Perceptions of Elites on France and Turkey in FACs ... 226
6.2.1 Endogenous sources shaping African Elite perceptions of France or Turkey ... 229
6.2.1.1 Characteristics of individuals ... 229
6.2.1.1.1 Personal contact with Turkey or France ... 229
6.2.1.1.2 Education and adequacy of information on Turkey and France ... 230
6.2.1.2 Country characteristics ... 231
6.2.1.2.1 Historical ties to France or Turkey... 231
6.2.1.2.2 Cultural ties to France or Turkey ... 232
6.2.1.2.3 Political system ... 233
6.2.2 Exogenous sources shaping African Elite perception on France or Turkey . 234 6.2.2.1 Conceptions that influenced Francophone African Elites about France in the 21st Century... 235
6.2.2.1.1 French Exceptionalism ... 236
6.2.2.1.2 Securitization of human security in Africa ... 238
6.2.2.1.3 Securitization of immigration... 240
6.2.2.1.4 Francafrique and its Avatars ... 241
xxi
6.2.2.2 New Discuss and Ideologies that influenced Francophone African Elites about
Turkey in the 21st Century ... 244
6.2.2.2.1 Humanitarianism and Complimentarism ... 244
6.2.2.2.2 Political Neutrality and No-Neo-colonialism ... 246
6.2.2.2.3 Turkey has no colonial past with most African countries: ... 248
6.2.2.2.4 Turkey as a Trading and Aid giving state ... 248
6.2.2.2.5 Cultural Affinity with the Islamic World ... 249
CONCLUSION... 252
CHAPTER SEVEN: PERCEPTIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY EFFECTIVENESS NEXUS: INTERPRETATION AND CONCLUSION ... 254
7.1 Interpretation of the foreign policy areas (themes) ... 255
7.1.1 Economic Development ... 255
7.1.1.1 Economic cooperation ... 255
7.1.1.2 Trade ... 257
7.1.2 Defence and Security Cooperation ... 257
7.1.2.1 Defence... 257
7.1.2.2 Security... 258
7.1.2.3 Politics and Diplomacy ... 259
7.1.2.4 Governance, Human Rights and Migration ... 259
7.1.2.5 Development Cooperation ... 261
7.1.2.6 Humanitarianism ... 261
7.2 Interpretation of the Dependent Variables ... 262
7.2.1 Francophone African Countries-specific findings (the perceiver) ... 262
7.2.2 Main findings on France and Turkey. (the perceived) ... 264
7.3 Synthesising the Thesis’s Central Argument ... 267
xxii REFERENCES ... 272 1. BOOKS ... 272 2. ARTICLES ... 275 3. MAGAZINES ... 281 4. SPEACHES... 282 5. ONLINE PERIODICALS: ... 282 6. REPORTS ... 283 7. WEBSITES: ... 284 ANNEX ... 286
xxiii LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Key levels and factors for explaining perceptions ... 48 Table 2: Schemata External Images of Foreign Policy ... 56 Table 3: External image effect of perceived capability ... 58 Table 4: List of Turkish diplomatic missions in Francophone African and vis-versa ... 106 Table 5: Distribution of Bilateral ODA of Turkey in Francophone... 110 Table 6 : Turkish total exports to Francophone Africa (1998-2017) ... 115 Table 7: Aggregate of Turkish Imports from and Exports to FACs from 1998-2017 ... 116 T
Taabbllee 88 :: TThhee MMaaiinn FFrreenncchh MMiilliittaarryy IInntteerrvveennttiioonnss iinn AAffrriiccaa ffrroomm 11996644--22001144 ... 157 Table 9 : French Military Defence Pacts with African Countries ... 158 Table 10: Amount of Cameroon's Imports from and Exports to Turkey ... 195 Table 11: Distribution of Bilateral ODA of Turkey... 198 Table 12: Amount of Cote d’Ivoire's Imports from and Exports to Turkey 1998-2017 (Value: thousand US $) ... 203 Table 13: Distribution of Bilateral ODA of Turkey to Cote D'Ivoire (2005-2015,Value: million US $) ... 207 Table 15 : Summary of the research criteria on the effecetiveness of France and Turkey's Foriegn Policy ... 212 Table 14: Summary of the Endogenous and Exogenous sources shaping Francophone African Perception of France and Turkey Policies in the 21st Century ... 227 Table 16: Most visible themes of literature and from interviewees covering the France and Turkey in Francophone Africa ... 255
xxiv LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Foreign Policy Effectiveness Index developed by author ... 46 Figure 2: Schema of the issue and Foreign Policy areas of the perceived ... 62 Figure 3: Conceptions the influenced Francophone African Elites about France ... 235 Figure 4: Conceptions the influenced Francophone African Elites about Turkey ... 244
xxv LIST OF GRAPHS
Graph 1: Distribution of Bilateral ODA of Turkey in Francophone African Countries (2005-2015, Value: million US $) ... 111 Graph 2: Ranking of Turkish Export Partners in Francophone Africa (1998-2017) ... 117 Graph 3: Ranking of Turkish Import Partners in Francophone Africa (1998-2017) ... 117 Graph 4: Total French Export in Francophone Africa (2005-2016) ... 154 Graph 5: Ranking of French Export Partners in Francophone Africa (2005-2016) ... 155 Graph 6: Total French imports from Francophone Africa (2005-2016) ... 155 Graph 7: Ranking of French import Partners in Francophone Africa (2005-2016) ... 156 Graph 8: Net ODA of France to Africa (2006-2016) Million US dollars ... 161 Graph 9: Bilateral Trade Balance Between France and Cameroon 2005-2016 ... 171 Graph 10: Development Assistance of AFD to Cameroon from 2011-2017 (million euros) ... 179 Graph 11: Bilateral Trade France and Cote d'Ivoire Export-Import Nexus 2005-2016 ... 188 Graph 12: Bilateral Trade Balance between France and Cote D'ivoire 2005-2016 ... 189 Graph 13: Development Assistance of AFD to Cote d’Ivoire 2013-2018 (million euros) ... 190 Graph 14: Cameroon-Turkey Imports-Exports Nexus 1998-2017 ... 196 Graph 15: Distribution of Bilateral ODA of... 198 Graph 16: Cote d'Ivoire -Turkey Imports-Exports Nexus 1998-2017 ... 204 Graph 17: Value of Cote d'Ivoire Imports from Turkey 1998-2017 ... 205 Graph 18: Evolution of Cote d'Ivoire Imports from Turkey 1998-2017 ... 205 Graph 19: Distribution of Bilateral ODA of Turkey in Cameroon ... 207
xxvi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ACP-EU : African, Caribbean, and Pacific- European Union AFAD : Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency AFD : Agence française de développement
AfDB : African Development Bank AKP : Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi AMI : Africa Media Endeavour
AYBU : AnkaraYildirim Beyazit University BCC : Central Bank of Comoros
BCEAO : Central Bank of West African States BEAC : Bank of Central African States
C.S.D.P : Common Security and Defence Policy C2D : Debt Reduction and Development Contract
CATI : Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing
CEMAC : Economic and Monetary Community of Central African States CICID : Committee for International Cooperation and Development COMESA : Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa
DEİK : Foreign Economic Relations Board of Turkey EAC : East African Community
ECCAS : Economic Community of Central African States ECOWAS : Economic Community of West African States EDF : Électricité de France
EDF : European Development Fund EEC : Economic Community European
EU : European Union
F2FI : Face-to-Face Interviewing FACs : Francophone African Countries FAEs : Francophone African Elites
FSAc : French Speaking African countries FDI : Foreign Direct Investment
FETO/PSS : Fetullah Gülenist Terrorist Organization/Parallel State Structure FP : Foreign Policy
FPAs : Foreign Policy Analysis
FPEI : Foreign Policy Effectiveness Index FrA : Francophone Africa
HCCI : Haut Conseil de la Coopération Internationale HIPC : Heavily Indebted Poor Countries
HSIOs : Horizontally Structured Intermediate Organizations IBB : Istanbul Municipality
ICOC : Istanbul Chamber of Commerce IDP : Internally Displaced People
IGAD : Intergovernmental Authority on Development Partners Forum IRAD : Institute of Agricultural Research for Development
xxvii JDP : Justice and Development Party
MDGs : Millennium Development Goals MEB : Ministry of National Education
MICOPAX : African Union Peace building Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo
MISAB : Mission inter-africaine de stabilisation à Bangui MİT : Turkish Intelligence Organization
MONUSCO : United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
MÜSİAD : Islamic Association of Independent Industrialists and Businessmen NATO : North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NGOs : Non-governmental Organizations OCT : Overseas Countries and Territories ODA : Official Development Assistance OIC : Organization of the Islamic Conference PD : Public Diplomacy
RECAMP : Renforcement des capacities africaines de maintien de la paix SBAs : Sovereignty Bound Actors
SDE : Institute of Strategic Thinking
SETA : Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research SFAs : Sovereignty Free Actors
TASAM : Turkish-Asian Center for Strategic Studies THY : Turkish Airlines
TIKA : Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency TIM : Turkish Exporters' Assembly
TMF : Turkish Maarif Foundation
TOBB : Turkish Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges TRCS : Turkish Red Crescent Society
TUBITAK : Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey TÜSİAD : Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association TUSKON : Confederation of Turkey Businessmen and Industrialists
UACCIAP : Union of African Chamber of Commerce, Industry, and Agriculture Professions
UN : United Nations
UNAMID : United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur UNDP : United Nations Development Programme
UNMIL : United Nations Mission in Liberia UNMISS : United Nations Mission in South Sudan UNOCI : United Nations Operation in Côte d´Ivoire UNSC : United Nations Security Council
WFP : World Food Programme WHO : World Health Organization WHS : World Humanitarian Summit WTO : World Trade Organization YOK : Higher Education Council
1.1 Context and Justification
The recent dynamics of the global economy and the new scenarios of international relations, together with the growing trade, investment and diplomatic engagement and re-engagement of emerging as well as developed economies in Africa, are contributing to significant changes in Franco and Turco-African relationships in the 21st century. Taken together, since globalization is characterized by the rise of new powers, the altered role of former powers and the shifting character of international institutions, this thesis offers a study of the
African elite perception of France as a traditional European great power and that of Turkey as an active emerging power so as to measure the political impact of either power, focusing on
their formal and informal foreign policy practices in Africa and particularly in two francophone African Countries (FACs) Cameroon and Cote d'Ivoire. Why are perceptions so important in
foreign policy? They may or may not reflect reality. However, political influence depends on (subjective) perceptions as well as on (objective) reality. On the one hand, positive perceptions may enhance a country’s soft power by generating trust, openness and mutual goodwill; while on the other; negative perceptions may decrease influence, or generate resentment. Either way, the key to successful policies lies in a better understanding of potential differences between self-perceptions and self-perceptions of the self by others. Only if areas of dissonance are identified and understood can potential gaps be closed and policies adjusted accordingly. Inthe words of Albert Einstein, ‘Peace cannot be kept by force; it can only be achieved by understanding.’1
The fact that in recent years, French leaders have expressed increasing willingness to break with established approaches towards Africa especially that characterized as Françafrique, which has been particularly damaging for the image of France, and that the relationship between Turkey and Africa has on its part under gone significant changes, has recently given rise to the question of how Africans perceive these two partner countries? The analysis of perceptions of third countries is defined in the literature2as a means to reflect the effectiveness of France and Turkey’s communicational skills with regard to specific themes and policy areas. This is an opportunity to evaluate and adjust the foreign policy objectives and communication strategies of either power according to local circumstances. As such, external perceptions are seen as a key to
1
From a speech to the New History Society (14 December 1930), reprinted in "Militant Pacifism" in Cosmic Religion (1931); also found in The New Quotable Einstein by Alice Calaprice, p. 158.
2
Kenneth E. Boulding, The Image: The Knowledge in Life and Society, Ann Arbor Paperbacks The University of \ Michigan Press, USA, 1969, p. 10. K. E. Boulding, ‗National Images and International Systems‘, The Journal of
Conflict Resolution, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Jun., 1959), p. 120
CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION
2 determine if third countries consider either country as attractive partners for cooperation on the regional and global scale. In this regard, public diplomacy is viewed as part of the execution of soft power to enhance France and Turkey’s visibility, actorness and effectiveness and can be a major tool for changing perceptions. Hence what is the comparative African elite perception of
the foreign policy of a traditional partner (France) vs that of an emerging partner (Turkey) in the 21st century? Bearing in mind that, opinions are difficult to generalize about, as either France
or Turkey already play many different roles in Africa, they evidently produce multi-faceted relations that are no less complex than that of Africa with any other superpower.
With the reforms that have taken place within the Franco and Turco-African relationship in the domains of politics, trade, investment, security, development cooperation; humanitarian aid e.t.c, political dialogue has also increased. The African continent has within this framework become a testbed to assess either country’s ambitions as global players and as such, either power stands out as some of the most important and vibrant actors in Francophone Africa (FrA) today. On one hand, Turkey’s activism in the African region is directly associated with the New Foreign Policy Strategy of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), contained in the book “Strategic Depth: Turkey’s International Position”.3According to this viewpoint, Turkey due to its geographical location and its history considered itself to be a power with several regional identities at the intersection of Europe, Asia, and Africa that should be accorded a leadership role in the various regions to which it belongs. As such, the global strategic significance of Turkey would ultimately arise out of this regional leadership role. With the Doctrine of Strategic Depth being the theoretical foundation of the new Turkish foreign policy, at an international level the emerging Turkish-African foreign policy especially that in FrA aims to present Turkey as a state without colonial ambition and inspired by goodwill4.
Another reason for Turkey’s change of course in its foreign policy was the disappointment over the EU not allowing the country any prospects for joining in the foreseeable future. In addition, from the Turkish perspective, the security concerns of the country were ignored by its Western allies after the invasion of Iraq. Both sources of frustration contributed to an increased Turkish interest in its immediate neighborhood and regions5. In its new self-perception therefore, Turkey is thus pursuing a pro-active, peace-oriented and multidimensional foreign policy that allows it to play a more influential role beyond its neighboring regions to
3
So far only published in Turkish: Davutoğlu, Ahmet (2001): Stratejik derinlik: Turkiye'nin uluslararasi konumu, Istanbul: KüreYayinlari.
4
Özkan, M /B.Akgün (2010):Turkey’s opening to Africa, in: The Journal of Modern African Studies 48(4),525–546
5
3 even a global level and to thereby become a “regional, European and global power”6. However, the extent to which Turkey will actually realize this ambitious aspiration is questionable. Observers attest that Turkey is overestimating its own capabilities7 and judge the foreign policy goals to be “over-ambitious”.8
On the other hand, France’s engagement with African states has played an important role in sustaining French grandeur and its image as a global power. Traditionally, this relationship was seen as crucial primarily because it contributed to the French national economy and to greater influence in regional and international institutions. Consequently, it boosted the relative power and status of France by resource mobilization (economic capital), combined with improving the country’s standing in international relations (social competition). Today, resource mobilization is still a factor but has become less significant. Africa accounts for only 3% of French exports; moreover, African natural resources (like uranium, oil, and gas) are less important than before. And, finally, in construction, telecommunications, and vehicles, French businesses are increasingly outcompeted by the Chinese and Turkish, among others.9
While Africa is less central to resource mobilization, it is still important for French grandeur and status-seeking. For one thing, the African countries are viewed as a valuable source of supporting votes at the UN. They are regarded as key allies for France (and the EU) in international negotiations on a range of issues. Moreover, Africa has become increasingly important for national security reasons. The recent surge in terrorism, with France as the main target, has made the fight against religious radicalism in the Sahel region a key priority in French national security. Thus, because Africa contributes to the French economy, to its relative influence in international institutions and to the improvement of national security, relations with Africa can still be seen as part of French power politics and/or a source for strengthening its relative power. For a long time, French foreign policy practices in Africa had a bad image, associated with Françafrique, a negatively laden concept referring to the clientelistic and corrupt activities of French and African political, economic and military actors10. Today, however, these
6
Davutoğlu, A. (2011a): Vision 2023 : Turkey’s foreign policy objectives : speech at the Turkey investor conference “The road to 2023”, London, 22 Nov. 2011; online: http://www.mfa.gov.tr/speech-entitled-_vision-2023_turkey_s-foreign-policy-objectives-delivered-by-h_e_-ahmet-davutoglu_-minister-of-foreign-af.en.mfa
(accessed 12 Mar. 2017)
7
Islam, R. D. (2010): Turkish foreign policy – reaching out for new frontiers?, in: SüdosteuropaMitteilungen 50 (6), p.13
8
Interviews with African Diplomats during the African Day Celebration in Ankara-Turkey, 25 May 2017.
9
Melly, P. and Darracq, V., 2013.A New Way to Engage?French Policy in Africa from Sarkozy to Hollande. London: Chatham House, pg. 12.
10
See, Un nouvel avatar de la Françafrique: La France en retard d'une décolonisation au Mali. by Michel Galy:
4 practices seem to have been replaced by a different set of practices. Can France’s current
African policy be understood as an instrument for modern power politics and status-seeking in international politics?
The respective re-emergence and emergence of France and Turkey as key players in Africa, the impact of their presence and their challenges to other powers in FrA all form critical components of this dynamic new relationship. At the same time, for Turkey to make the inroads into what has traditionally been a French and Western-dominated economy in Africa, it has felt the need to embark on a campaign of raising African elite, as well as public, awareness as to its own importance as a foreign power with different intentions and aspirations towards the continent than the West. Thus as earlier mentioned, much of the thrust of Turkeys public statements are aimed at not only presenting themselves as an alternative to the West and some emerging powers like China, India and Brazil e.t.c but one which has both shared understanding of ‘third world’ concerns with Africans as well as is in a position to help Africa. As for France,
“Africa is a real opportunity for France. It broadens both our horizon and our ambition on the international scene. It is true in the diplomatic, economic and cultural context.” Dominique de Villepin, 18 June 2003.11
As such, in maintaining its political influence and changing its degrading image, a new French African policy is currently being shaped by various symbolic events, leading to a Franco-African malaise. In a changing world environment characterized by the end of the Cold War and globalization, French policy towards Africa is no longer determined by politico-diplomatic and geopolitical factors but by purely economic and financial considerations, namely the search for new African and Third World markets, and a renewed focus on African integration. At the beginning of the 21st century, ‘multilateralism’ has become the latest political buzzword, and in its wake, a notable shift in French policy in Africa has emerged. This shift, combined with a new generation of French politicians claiming to herald a fresh approach, might suggest that changes are on the way.
Taken together, these factors have shaped the construction of either France or Turkey’s image and perception across the continent as they expand their reach into most FACs. In this respect, either power serves as an alternative source of trade, tourism, education, industry and expertise without the baggage associated with Chinese investments that seem to pit the interests
11
5 of the African political elite against those of the majority of Africans. The question, however,
remains as to how either France or Turkey’s respective re-newed or new engagement in Africa is being experienced by African Elites? Do either power exert the same influence in this
region? Is the image of partnership, a key feature, and aim of the diplomatic initiatives of either country on the continent, being recognized by African governments? Does France or Turkey have a model, imperialistic or degenerate image in Francophone Africa? Do Francophone African Elites (FAEs) hold to the view that France or Turkey’s actions compliments development or they are economic competitors? How are Africans generally reacting to the emergence of new French and Turkish products, activities and communities in their midst? And, finally, is the ‘discourse of fear’ on France or Turkey and their alleged hegemonic Neo-colonialist and Neo-ottomanist intentions being absorbed into the African discourse on either power?
Within this framework, this thesis entitled “External Perceptions and Foreign Policy
Effectiveness of France and Turkey in Francophone Africa in the 21st Century: An Elite perspective of Cameroon and Cote d’Ivoire” seeks to primordially analyze and provide a
concise understanding on how the external perceptions of the foreign policy of states tell of their effectiveness. To realize this, the 21st-century foreign policy activism and motives of either France or Turkey towards Africa with focus on Francophone Africa are well scrutinized. Since it is not possible to measure all aspects of a foreign policy activity because not all outcomes, impacts, and effects can be identified during the making and implementation stages, a framework of analysis has been developed in this thesis following a pre-defined set of parameters (with chosen terms drawn from the main French and Turkish policy fields towards FrA): (1) Five (5) ‘main foreign policy themes’ with sub-themes: (Economy, Political, Development, Security, Social);12 (2) ‘key research criteria’ concerning modes of impact (visibility, actorness, cognitive resonance and normative power)13; (3) ‘explanatory variables’ (endogenous and exogenous) referring to local and international conditions (history, culture,
12
The main themes’ with sub-themes are: Economy (Finance, Investment, Trade, and Industry); Political (Security, Effective multilateralism, Human rights, Mass migration/ refugees); Development (Aid/Poverty alleviation, Humanitarianism/Disaster relief); Environment (Climate change, Biodiversity); Social (Education, Integration, Refugees).
13
Visibility measures the extent to which France and Turkey are visible and how this visibility is perceived; Actorness measures whether both countries are perceived as active and their actions are perceived as cohesive or non-cohesive. Effectiveness is the extent to which both countries are perceived as successful/ unsuccessful in reaching its intended goals. Cognitive resonance is the extent to which perceptions differ when France or Turkey are portrayed as acting unto their selves vs acting unto the country concerned, or its neighbouring region. Normative Power is a horizontal dimension and focuses on particular actions of either countries and as what kind of actor it is perceived.
6 political context, training and education e.t.c)14. Secondly and most importantly, the opportunity and threat perceptions that FAEs have of the engagement of either power in the region is the most distinctive feature of the study, given the fact that the opinions and perception of the African people on France and Turkey’s engagement with the continent will be studied for the first time. The thesis will conclude with a discussion and a comparison of the findings of the research with declared policy recommendations on the future of Franco-African and Turco-African relations.
The importance of this thesis highlights three important questions:
1.1.1 Why Francophone Africa?
Respectively, the 21st-century active re-engagement and engagement of France or Turkey in Francophone-African countries (FACs) is unique in many aspects. First and foremost, officials of either power consider FACs as the best practice of public-private partnership in their Africa engagement policy. Secondly, it should be noted that Francophone-Africa is considered as the almost exclusive sphere of influence of France and France played a significant role in bringing about Turkish bitterness towards EU. In 2007, President Nicolas Sarkozy blocked seven chapters of the acquis from being negotiated with Turkey, reasoning that Turkey is “not a part of Europe.” This move struck a considerable blow to Turkish Europeanization project, and thus a giving an opening to a Turkish Africanization project which France views as a rival act in its African sphere of influence.
Thirdly, vertical relationships between patrons and clients are important for understanding 21st-century African political history, not least the relationship between France and its former colonies15. However, the close relationship between France and the elites in its former colonies can also be characterized as a type of kinship. ‘Kinship’16 refers to a type of relationship widely studied in anthropology, but may also be fruitfully applied in explaining special relationships that have developed over time between certain states and societies (Neumann and Haugevik, under review) perhaps also between a colonial power France and its
14
Cultural differences/ similarities can lead to a preference for/ indifference towards/ rejection of either countries policies; specific cultures might be more open towards ‘learning from the outside’ than others; Translation refers to differences/ similarities in language/ connotation and translation that can lead to smooth or malfunctioning comprehension/ communication. History can have an impact on what is perceived as well as how. Training/ education can shape perceptions based on experiences. The political context is important to understand the environment in which either country’s policies are being implemented/ adopted/ rejected.
15
Bayart, J. (2007). ‘France-Afrique: La fin du pacte colonial’, Politique Africaine 105: 7–26.
16
7 colonies. While colonized polities were once referred to as ‘backward children’17 the postcolonial relationship between former colonial centers and their peripheries has also been described as one of ‘post-colonial families of nations’18.
Fourthly, as earlier highlighted, the main components of France’s or Turkey’s engagement tools towards Africa in general namely; diplomacy, trade, military, transportation networks and particularly development assistance, environmental and humanitarian aid are the most visible in FACs. Last but not least, with this new and wide-ranging commitment, Turkey or France has sent a signal to the outside world that they are willing to take on with the problems of the African countries in a multi-faceted manner. Therefore, a special emphasis will be given to FrA in the big picture.
Francophone Africa (FrA) has massive economic potential with a wealth of natural resources, made up of 25 countries across the continent with a population of 392 million in 2015 which is forecasted to reach 847 million in 2050. However, the region is hampered by conflict, corruption, and poverty and is suffering from various health pandemics. In recent years, the most important issues have centered on the lack of infrastructure, bad governance and internal conflicts which have made French-speaking African Countries to be lagging behind their English-speaking neighbors. Also, the common currency among French-speaking countries in both West and Central Africa, the CFA franc has also, seemingly, been a burden, despite the fact that it is more protected from inflation than currencies that are not aligned to the euro.
To remedy the situation, there has been a series of Franco-African cooperation summits over the heighten issues but as for Turkey, the 1st Turkey-Africa Cooperation Summit was held in Istanbul since 2009, tightening of political relations has been accompanied by the opening of numerous new Turkish embassies around Africa as well. As such, Turkey has so far opened 39 Embassies across Africa, and ironically, out of the 25 FACs in the African continent, she has opened 19 Embassies in these countries. Also on like in Paris, there has been a growing number of African Embassies are in Ankara. The opening of the new embassies signified also the geographic expansion of Turkey in FrA, which paved the way for the larger investments of Turkish entrepreneurs in the region. As it is apparent from the Figure below which shows the geographical positions of French and Turkish embassies in Africa in general and in FrA in
17
Keal, P. (1995). ‘“Just backward children”: International law and the conquest of non-European peoples’, Australian Journal of International Affairs 49 (2): 191–206.
18
Brysk, A., C. Parsons, and W. Sandholtz (2002).‘After Empire: National identity and post-colonial families of nations’, European Journal of InternationalRelations 8 (2): 267–305.
