Comparison of the Cognitive Motivations of White Colour

4.2.1.3.1. Comparisons of the Target Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

The analysis of the conceptual metaphors underlying the white colour idioms in Turkish and English specifically revealed that Turkish and English which belong to two different language families have both similarities and differences in terms of the cognitive motivations of white colour idioms. Thus, this part will provide a detailed comparison of the target domains including both sub- and meta-domains.

4.2.1.3.1.1. Sub-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

This part aims to give a picture of sub-domains in a detailed way through the conceptual metaphors/ metonymies by dividing them into two groups:

conceptual metaphors/ metonymies shared by two languages and conceptual metaphors/metonymies unique to each language

4.2.1.3.1.1.1. Similarities Between the Sub-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

The commonalities between the sub-domains of white colour idioms in Turkish and English are illustrated in Table 10:

 

Table 10. Similarities Between the Sub-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

Conceptual Metaphor/Metonymy Number of Idioms in Turkish

Number of Idioms in English

LIGHT IS WHITE 4 7

HONESTY IS WHITE 5 2

FEAR IS WHITE 2 3

CLEANLINESS IS WHITE 3 1

INNOCENCE IS WHITE 2 1

BEAUTY IS WHITE 1 1

GOOD LUCK IS WHITE 1 1

EVIL IS WHITE 1 1

HAPPINESS IS WHITE 1 1

HARMLESSNESS IS WHITE 1 1

NON-MANUAL WORK IS WHITE 1 1

PEACE IS WHITE 1 1

As Table 10 presented, white colour most frequently refers to honesty and it is observed in ak süt, ak süt emmiş, ak yüzlü, alnı açık yüzü ak, and anasının ak sütü in Turkish. In three of these idiomatic expressions- ananın ak sütü gibi, ak süt, ak süt emmiş the colour white is collocated with “milk” of a mother who is considered as holy in Turkish culture, just like the case it is Christianity where the women figures who are regarded as holy are called “mother” such as Meryem Ana (Mother Mary). Being the fertile one, the mother is the creator of a human being and is the source of his/her nurture with breastmilk. In Turkish mythology, the holiness of the mother’s milk is always foregrounded and the Sakha Yakut Turks believed that the goddess of motherhood, Ayzıt, gave life to her baby with her breastmilk (Samur, 2008, p. 7). Throughout Turkish history, the holiness and substantiality of the milk of the mother have been reiterated;

thus, lead to the creation of idiomatic expressions including a mother’s milk and emphasizing the holiness, purity, innocence which become culturally-specific.

In alnı açık yüzü ak and ak yüzlü, the colour white is collocated with ‘face’ as a body part representing the person. In these idioms the mapping between white

 

and face has generated the general conceptual metonymy WHITE FACE STANDS FOR MORALITY, or in terms of the sub-concept, there is WHITE FACE STANDS FOR HONESTY conceptual metonymy.

Although not as much as in Turkish, honesty is also a recurrent sub-domain which is embedded in the minds of English speakers together with the colour white as observed in the idioms lily-white and whiter than white. When whiter than white is used for an object like a piece of cloth, it means that the clothes are very white (after laundry, for instance). However, when it is used to refer to a person, it connotes being honest and incorrupt. In the second idiom a white lily is used metaphorically which is associated with purity, innocence and virtue.

Its purity is believed to come from ancient times as it is considered to be

“sprouted from the milk of Hera, the queen of the gods” (Lily, n.d.); thus attributed to honesty of a person. Despite the difference in the collocational construction and in the number of idioms referring to honesty in two languages, this target domain proves the definitions of white provided in English and Turkish dictionaries in which the colour white is associated with honesty.

What is more, the white colour most frequently refers to light by signifying the bright nature of things in English, as in the idioms white as ivory, white as silver, white as a doll, white as a dove, white as a flock of sheep and white as a hound’s tooth. Except for pearly whites, all of them are simile-based idioms comparing the bright nature of the objects such as an ivory, a silver, and a dove with other abstract or concrete things they are used for. Furthermore, the source domain of a flock of sheep and a hound’s tooth is mapped onto the target domain light as meta-concept and brightness as sub-concept in the similes white as a flock of sheep and white as a hound’s tooth again in order to describe the bright appearance of the things they refer to. However, white is always associated with the day light in Turkish as observed in gün ağarmak, ortalık ağarmak, tan ağarmak, tan yeri ağartmak. This signification can be scientifically proved as white light is made up of all the colours of the rainbow and it contains all wavelengths (Colours of Light, n.d.) which makes white the colour of light.

 

There is always a dichotomy in white as cleanliness and black as dirt which is exemplified in Turkish and English idiomatic expressions. Although there is a difference between the frequency of observance (n=3 in Turkish, n=1 in English), cleanliness is conceptualized in two cultures through the colour white as observed in the idioms ak pak, beyaza çekmek, kar beyaz, and süt beyaz in Turkish and white as milk in English. The two expressions süt beyaz and kar beyaz are simile-based idioms including milk and snow to highlight the cleanliness of things they refer to. Other than creating OLDNESS IS WHITE conceptual metaphor, the idiom ak pak generates the CLEANLINESS IS WHITE conceptual metaphor which can be determined depending on the context.

Furthermore, the emotion of fear is conceptualized in Turkish and English, as it causes a change in the colour of the skin as observed in bembeyaz kesilmek and yüzü kireç gibi olmak in Turkish. However though, the association of white colour and fear or cowardice is more cultural in English as revealed in to show white feather and white-livered. The origin of the former expression comes from cocks. As pure-bred cock has no white feather, a cock with a white feather in its tail is underbred and is believed to perform poorly in terms of breeding and fighting cocks (Flavell and Flavell, 1992, p. 84). Therefore, showing a white feather is considered to be a sign of cowardice by individuals belonging to English culture. What is more, despite sharing the same target domain, white livered is an idiom which contains a metonymic relation between source and target domain generating WHITE LIVER STANDS FOR COWARDICE conceptual metonymy. This idiom is originated from the old belief that there is no blood in the livers of the coward people. According to Yu, “the choleric temperament depends on the body's producing large quantities of yellow bile”

(2014, p. 65). It is also believed that it is the liver that controls the emotions of human beings and the poor functioning of this organ results in mental, emotional, and physical weakness (Lily-livered, n.d.) such as cowardice.

Although innocence is another sub-concept shared in two languages, the occurance of it in Turkish (n=2) is more than that of in English (n=1) which

 

proves the fact that white is the colour used commonly in order to refer to moral issues in Turkish. In the idiom sütten çıkmış ak kaşık gibi olmak, white is collocated with spoon and milk which can be interpreted as such that the white spoon taken from the milk is associated with purity and innocence. Although this expression refers to a person who is regarded as innocent, it is usually used ironically by Turkish people in order to point out that the person is not in fact pure or innocent. Also yüzü ak foregrounds the innocence of the person again through metonymic relationship generating the conceptual metonymy WHITE FACE STANDS FOR INNOCENCE. In English, the only idiomatic expression associated with innocence is with white hands, again referring to innocence of an individual.

As Table 10 demonstrated, despite the rare occurrence (n=1) in each language, colour white is associated with evil, happiness, beauty, luck, peace, non-manual work, harmlessness in two cultures. Among these idioms, some can be categorized as idioms which are shared by Turkish and English not only conceptually but also linguistically such as beyaz bayrak-white flag, beyaz yakalı-white collar, beyaz yalan-white lie, and süt beyaz- white as milk.

To put it more specifically, both languages commonly use the white colour metaphorically in order to represent peace through the idiom beyaz bayrak in Turkish and white flag in English, the conceptual metaphor of which is PEACE IS WHITE. ‘Beyaz bayrak’ can be regarded as the word for word translation of white flag. It is a commonly-shared expression signifying peace, ceasefire, or surrender which is thought to be a tradition originated with the reign of the Eastern Han dynasty (A.D 25-220) (Koerner, 2003).

The other idiomatic expression which is shared by both cultures linguistically and conceptually is beyaz yakalı in Turkish which is the translation of white-collar in English. The concept of white-white-collar worker was coined in 1930’s by Upton Sinclair, an American writer as described in OED in order to make contrast with the laborious work (White-collar, n.d.) and since then it has been used in many countries standing for people who perform managerial and administrative work, thus generating the conceptual metonymy

WHITE- 

COLLAR STAND FOR PERSON PERFORMING NON-MANUAL WORK.

Furthermore, beyaz yalan in Turkish and white lie in English are the idioms whose linguistic compositions and meanings are the same and their cognitive mappings are shared by English and Turkish speakers as they both signify harmlessness.

Lastly, süt beyaz in Turkish and milk-white in English are metaphorical expressions which are both simile-based idioms constructed through the collocation of the colour white and milk. These simile-based idioms are motivated by the physical objective feature of milk which can be directly perceived by the senses.

4.2.1.3.1.1.2. Differences Between the Sub-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

The variations between the sub-domains of white colour idioms in Turkish and English are illustrated in Table 11:

Table 11. Differences Between the Sub-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

Conceptual

Metaphor/Metonymy in Turkish

Number of Turkish

Idioms

Conceptual Metaphor/Metonymy in

English

Number of English

Idioms

OLDNESS IS WHITE 5 PALENESS IS WHITE 14

PRIDE IS WHITE 4 ENDURANCE IS WHITE 1

BEING EXPERIENCED/

OLDNESS IS WHITE

4 UNEDUCATED POOR

PERSON IS WHITE

1

HEROIN IS WHITE 3 ORDINARY AND BORING

IS WHITE

1

PURITY/PURIFICATION IS WHITE

2 BEING SPOILT IS WHITE 1

CASH IS WHITE 1 USELESSNESS IS WHITE 1

NEW PAGE STANDS FOR WHITE

1 HELPFULLNESS IS WHITE 1

 

Table 11. (Continuation) Differences Between the Sub-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

Conceptual

Metaphor/Metonymy in Turkish

Number of Turkish

Idioms

Conceptual Metaphor/Metonymy in

English

Number of English

Idioms

ANGER IS WHITE 1 HYPOCRISY IS WHITE 1

WISEDOM/OLDNESS IS WHITE 1 PASSION IS WHITE 1

WHITE STANDS FOR WHITE CLOTHES

1 AUTHORITY IS WHITE 1

HOPE IS WHITE 1 EXTORSION IS WHITE 1

ELECTRICITY IS WHITE 1 PSYCHIATRIC WORK IS

WHITE

1

AGREEMENT IS WHITE 1 PUBLIC APOLOGY IS

WHITE

1

RARITY IS WHITE 1

EXAGGRATION IS WHITE 1

FEELING SICK IS WHITE 1

Table 11 clearly demonstrated that English and Turkish also vary in the cultural embodiment of the colour white and the differences between the number of the conceptual metaphors/ metonymies underlying the Turkish white colour idioms (n=13) and English white colour idioms (n=16) are higher than the number of the similarities (n=12).

One of the most striking examples on the differences between the conceptualization of English and Turkish speaking individuals is paleness.

While it is the most frequently observed differing domain in English from Turkish, this target domain is never used in Turkish in order to describe the pale colour of things. In English white is used to describe the physical appearance of things and refer to the paleness of the skin usually of face as seen in white as a sheet, white as a ghost, white as the driven snow, white as a kerchief, look like a whitewashed wall, white as whey, white as a fish, white as salt, white as a pillow, white as a clout, white as a witch, white as a spirit, lint-white, and white as a statue. However though, paleness is observed in the idioms bembeyaz kesilmek and yüzü kireç gibi ağarmak in Turkish, but they are categorized under

 

the domain of emotion, as they refer only to the colour of the skin which has become white usually because of fear.

The conceptualization of oldness is another striking difference in Turkish and English. While oldness is the most frequently observed target domain in Turkish associated with the colour white (n=10), this target domain is never conceptualized through the colour white in English despite the fact that the turning of hair, beard, and moustache into white as people get older is a physiological fact. As time passes, people physically, mentally and psychologically get old, and their hair, beard and moustache turn to white because of their age. The whiteness of their hair and beard is mapped for the whole person who is wise and experienced creating the conceptual metonymy WHITE BEARD STANDS FOR OLDNESS as exemplified in ak sakaldan yok sakala gelmek, sakalına ak düşmek, ak sakallı. As it has been illustrated in Table 8, the similar metonymic relationship can be observed in the idiom saçına ak düşmek generating WHITE HAIR STANDS FOR OLDNESS. Furthermore, the idiom ak pak is constructed with two similar words ak and pak, through reduplication process.

Although the colour white is associated with oldness in all of these Turkish idioms, the metaphorical interpretations of these expressions bear some differences. The idiom ak sakaldan yok sakala gelmek has a negative association such as powerlessness as a result of the old age, while ak sakallı which is an adjective used for old people has a positive connotation other than oldness that is wisdom. In the Minstrel Literature of Turkish culture, there are white-bearded dervishes and in Turkish epic literature there are old men called

“ak sakallı” (white-bearded) who are wise and who lead and advise Turkish public inviting them to follow their wisdom (Yardımcı, 2011, p. 107). White-bearded men were also foregrounded in Turkish history in which it is known that there was the council of white-bearded men (Toker, 2009, p. 98). The last idiom ak pak has three connotations that gain meaning depending on the context;

these are oldness, cleanliness and it also refers to people who are blond or white-skinned.

 

What is more, the embodiment of white in Turkish culture is different from the embodiment of white in English culture in that its association with being experienced in Turkish as in the idioms saç ağartmak, saçı değirmende ağartmamak, sakalı değirmende ağartmamak, (bir işte) saç sakal ağartmak is not observed in English. In these idioms, the wide knowledge of elderly people and their experiences in life are conceptualised through the source domains of white hair, white beard, and white temples. It is clear from the idiomatic expressions that when the verb ‘ağarmak’ is collocated with the body parts of hair, beard, and temples, it refers to a person who is old and experienced in something.

Pride is another target domain which is conceptualized by Turkish speakers as observed in the expressions of alnının akıyla generating WHITE FOREHEAD STANDS FOR PRIDE conceptual metonymy and likewise in (bir işten) yüz (yüzünün) akıyla çıkmak, yüz akı and (birinin) yüzünü ağartmak in which the white face symbolizes the concept of ‘pride’ in Turkish culture. These are the opposites of the conceptualization of English speaking people who have tendency to associate the colour white with an immoral concept, that is hypocrisy as in the example of a whited sepulcher which is a biblical expression and was used by Jesus “when he condemns the scribes and Pharisees for being outwardly orthodox and beyond reproach but inwardly corrupt, full of self-indulgence and greed” (Flavell & Flavell, 1992, p. 200). Thus, this idiom contradicts with the general idea that the colour white is equated with the positive and the moral.

Furthermore, purification is a recurring sub-domain mapped onto the colour white in Turkish as observed in the idioms beyaz Türkçe and beyaza çıkartmak both of which are associated with the pure nature of the colour white.

The other rarely observed (1 idiom for each target domain) culture-specific conceptualizations that can be regarded as culture specific for individuals speaking Turkish are cash, wisdom, electrical energy, agreement, hope, and white clothes, while they are uselessness, helpfulness, passion, authority, extortion, psychiatric work, public apology, exaggeration, rarity, being spoilt,

 

endurance, uneducated and poor person, ordinary and boring person for the people belonging to English culture.

4.2.1.3.1.2. Meta-Domains of White Colour Idioms in Turkish and English

In this part, the distribution and analysis of meta-domains underlying white colour idioms in Turkish and English are presented in detail by using the categorization of Lakoff and Johnson presented in Philosophy in the Flesh (1999) and Kövecses (2005) which are emotion, morality, and events-causes, mind, time, and self. According to Lakoff and Johnson, these concepts would have to be included in every human being’s mind; in other words, “they occur in the cognitive unconscious of present-day speakers” (p. 135). Therefore, this part aims to provide a broader framework and reveal the similarities more than the differences between Turkish and English as meta-concepts can be regarded as common, as they are entrenched in the minds of individuals of each culture in the world. What is more, there will be an attempt to present the sub-concepts by categorizing them under the meta-concepts.

65%

19%

16%

White in Turkish

Event‐Causes Emotion Morality

Figure 2. Distribution of Meta-Domains of White in Turkish Idioms

 

Figure 3. Distribution of Meta-Domains of White in English Idioms

As illustrated in Figure 2 and Figure 3, events and causes metaphors are the most frequently observed domain in both languages with the rate of 65% in Turkish and 78% in English. These rates prove what Lakoff and Johnson put forward in Philosophy in The Flesh (1999). They asserted that “We would be hard-pressed to find a newspaper story that was not concerned with causes, actions, changes, and states” (p. 155). Events and causes metaphors are regarded as the most pervasive type of metaphors in the world languages as they account for human beings’ understanding of events and causes and the rates reveal the fact that Turkish and English are no exceptions. Events including states, actions, activities and causes are understood or conceptualized through metaphors in terms of more physical or “specialized”

notions such as physical movement, space and force. Briefly, “Metaphor is, in a significant way, constitutive of all event-structure concepts” (ibid.) as observed in Turkish and English.

Nevertheless, Turkish and English differ in terms of the frequency of emotion.

Although the meta-domain of emotion is observed with the rate of 19% in Turkish and it is the second most frequently observed target domain in this

10%

78%

12%

White in English

Emotion Events‐Causes Morality

 

language, it is observed with the rate of 10% in English being the least conceptualized target domain through the colour white among English speakers.

Lastly, two languages are also different in the sense of the frequency of metaphors for morality. While it is observed with the rate of 16% in Turkish, it is the second most frequently observed meta-domain which follows events and causes metaphors with the rate of 12% in English.

It can be inferred from the figures that although the number of events-causes metaphors is very high in both languages, the frequencies of metaphors for emotion and morality in Turkish and English are not that much and they are close to each other in two languages.

4.2.1.3.1.2.1. Distribution and Analysis of Events-causes Metaphors in White Colour Idioms

The events-causes metaphors, despite being the most frequently observed one in both languages, differ in terms of their types as also presented in Figure 4 and Figure 5:

 

Figure 4. Distribution of Events-Causes Metaphors in Turkish

14%

14%

9%

11%

3% 3%

3%

3%

9%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

11%

Event‐Causes in Turkish

Oldness Oldness‐Related Concepts

Cleanliness Evil

Beauty Luck

Surrender Heroin

Electricity Agreement

Purity Worker Performing Non‐Manual Work

Purification Cash

Wearing White Clothes Light

 

Figure 5. Distribution of Events-Causes Metaphors in English

36%

18%

3%3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%

3%3% 3% 3%

Event‐Causes in English

Paleness Light

Being Lucky Extortion

Psychiatric Work Making Public Apology

Exaggration Cleanliness

Beauty Rarity

Surrender Being Spoilt

Endurance Place with no development

Being Uneducated and Poor Ordinary Worker Performing Non‐manual Work Being Sick Helpfullness

Belgede Hacettepe University Graduate School of Social Sciences Department of English Linguistics (sayfa 101-200)