REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
SELÇUK UNIVERSITY
INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
GRADUATE SCHOOL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY AND ISLAMIC
FEMINISM IN SOMALIA
Anab Mohiodin SIYAD
124228001019
Master’s dissertation
Supervisor
Asso. Dr. Hacer Tuğba EROĞLU
V
DEDICATION
This hard work of graduation thesis is dedicated to my sweetheart and beloved parents Mr. Mohiodin Siyad Moh’ed and Mrs. Madina Mah’ud Moh’ed with much love, for any effort and sacrifice they provided throughout my academic life, career development and their support in emotionally and financially.
VI
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
Firstly, all praises and thanks be to Allah who enabled me to complete this study and this research without facing me any problem during leaning time and research period.
After this, I would like to thank all my family members especially my parents and all of my sisters and brothers who continuously encouraged me to attain more education and yield success in life, especially to my beloved sister Mrs. Aisha Mohiodin SIYAD for her assistance and guidance which allowed me to pursue and complete this course. Furthermore, i am heavily indebted to all those who jointly contributed to the production of this academic research work. In this regard I convey my heartfelt appreciation to my uncles and aunts.
In addition to that my sincere thanks goes to my very unique supervisor Assoc. Dr. Hacer Tuğba EROĞLU for her excellent guidance, effort and patience, without her advice and support I would never have been able to finish this research work, as I am extending may thanks and gratitude to my lecturers who provided me with the knowledge that I have used in compiling this book. Also, Research Assistant Zehra ÖZKAN for her endless support during my MA program in Konya, Turkey. Moreover, I am grateful to the Turkish Scholarships (Türkiye Burslar) for giving me the opportunity to study in Turkey with full scholarship.
Last but not least, I extend my thanks to all my friends specially Khadija Ahmed, Zamzam Said, Abdulfatah Adam, Aniza Ali, Mahad Osman for their endless supports of collecting research questionnaires from the target population, also i would like to thank to everybody who supported me in one way or another during my MA Course whose contribution has led to the completion of this dissertation.
VII
DECLARATION
I, ANAB MUHIODIN SIYAD hereby make a declaration that this research work is original and has not been presented for any academic award whatsoever in any university, or academic institution.
Signed ---
VIII
T. C.
SELÇUK ÜNİVERSİTESİ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü
ÖZET
Ülkedeki ataerkil ve maskülen kültür nedeniyle Somali'deki kadınlar kamusal yaşamda cinsiyet eşitliğine yönelik daha az ilerleme kaydetmiştir. Somalili ataerkil toplum erkeklere mutlak öncelik verdiğinden dolayı kadınların insan haklarını da bir dereceye kadar kısıtlamaktadır. Pek çok gözlemci ataerkil kültürün İslam dininden kaynaklandığına inanmaktadır; ancak tersine kadın ve erkek eşitliğinin, maneviyatının ve insanlığının bir parçası olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Ayrıca Somali'deki ataerkil normlar kadınların yaşamın her alanında özellikle siyasette geri kalmasına sebep olmaktadır. Böylece İslami feminizmin önemi anlaşılmıştır ve kadın haklarının savunuculuğu ülkede her geçen gün artmıştır. Bugün siyasette kadınların bilincini arttırmak, genel olarak kıtada ve özel olarak ülkede ataerkil kültüre son vermek için özellikle Somali'de olmak üzere dünya çapında birçok feminist ortaya çıkmıştır.
Bu yüzden bu çalışmanın amacı, İslami feminizmin Somali toplumunun ataerkil tutumuna meydan okuyup okumadığını keşfetmek ve ataerkil Somali toplumunun kadınların siyasete katılımını nasıl algıladığını tespit etmektir ve ayrıca bu c çalışmada Somali'deki ataerkil kültür düzeyinin açığa kavuşturulması da amaçlanmıştır. Bu amaçla bu çalışma Somali'nin başkenti Mogadişu'daki katılımcılardan veri toplamak için anket kullanılarak nicel tasarım aracılığı ile gerçekleştirilmiştir ve daha sonra veriler SPSS 24.0 veri analiz yazılımı kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Ataerkillik, İslam, Feminizm, İslami Feminizm, Siyaset, Kadınlar, Katılım. Ö ğr e n ci n in
Adı Soyadı Anab Mohiodin SIYAD Numarası 124228001019
Ana Bilim / Bilim Dalı Kamu Yönetimi/ Kamu Yönetimi
Programı Tezli Yüksek Lisans Doktora Tez Danışmanı Doç.Dr. Hacer Tuğba EROĞLU
IX T. C.
SELÇUK ÜNİVERSİTESİ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü
SUMMARY
Women in Somalia have made less progress towards gender equality in public life due to patriarchal and masculinity culture in the country. Unluckily Somali Patriarchal community used to give an absolute privilege and priority to their male gender than female, and some boundaries to women’s human rights also. Certainly many observers and scholars claim that patriarchal culture stems from Islam religion that is not true, in fact equality of men and women are part of the humanity, ethics, and spirituality of Islam. Furthermore, patriarchal norms in Somalia has caused women to lag behind in every aspect of life particularly politics. Thus, the importance of Islamic feminism has been realized and advocacy of women’s right increased day by day in the country. Today many feminists emerged globally and Somalia particularly, to enhance the awareness of women in politics and to make an end the patriarchal culture in the continent generally and the country specifically.
Thus, the aim of this study is to explore if Islamic feminism concepts challenges the patriarchal attitude of Somali society, and to find out how patriarchal Somali society perceives women’s participation in politics, also it’s intended to clarify the level of patriarchal culture in Somalia. For this aim, the study was conducted through quantitative design, using questionnaire as instrument of the research to collect data from respondents in Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia, then the data was analyzed using SPSS 24.0 data analysis software.
Key Words: Patriarchy, Islam, Feminism, Islamic Feminism, Politics, Women, Participation. Ö ğr e n ci n in
Adı Soyadı Anab Mohiodin SIYAD Numarası 124228001019
Ana Bilim / Bilim Dalı Kamu yönetimi/ Kamu Yönetimi
Programı Tezli Yüksek Lisans Doktora Tez Danışmanı Doç.Dr. Hacer Tuğba EROĞLU
X
LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1: Reliability Statistics ... 58
Table 4.2: depicts the results of the demographic findings and results. ... 59
Table 4.3: Somali Patriarchal Culture ... 60
Table 4.5: Islamic feminism ... 60
Table 4.6. Women’s Political Participation ... 62
Table 4.7: Reasons that women should participate in politics and decision making ... 64
Table 4.8: Factors that actually keep women out of politics ... 65
Table 4.9: The impact of increasing the participation of women in some fields and policies ... 66
Table 4.10: The Results of Regression Analysis Between Patriarchal Society And Islamic Feminism In Somalia ... 67
Table 4.11: Anova ... 67
XI TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication ... V Acknowledgment ... VI Declaration ... VII Abstract ... IX List Of Tables ... X Table Of Contents ... XI Introduction ... 1
Chapter One: Patriarchy, Man Dominance and Somali Culture ... 3
1.1. Patriarchy ... 3
1.1.1. Concept Of Patriarchy ... 3
1.1.2. Origin Of Patriarchy ... 4
1.2. Women Subordination ... 5
1.3. Patriarchy As An Ideology ... 6
1.4. Patriarchy And Islam ... 8
1.5. In Somalia “Patriarchal Attitude Of The Society” ... 10
1.6. Current Status Of Somali Women ... 13
1.6.1. Women’s Socio-Economic Status ... 13
1.6.2. Women’s Political Status ... 16
1.6.3. Women’s Educational Status ... 17
1.7. Socio-Political Structure Of Somalia ... 18
Chapter Two: Islam, Feminism And Women In Islam ... 20
2.1. Feminism And Its Branches... 20
2.1.1. Liberal Feminism- Form Of The Equality Type Of Feminism ... 21
2.1.2. Cultural Feminism ... 21
2.1.3. Socialist Feminism ... 22
2.1.4. Radical Feminism ... 23
2.2. Islam And Feminism In Somalia ... 23
2.3. Islamic Feminism ... 25
2.4. Islamic Feminism As A Global Phenomenon ... 28
2.5. Gender Equality In Islam ... 29
XII
2.7. Status Of Women In Islam ... 36
Chapter Three: Women’s Political Participation In Somalia ... 40
3.1. Women And Politics_ General Overview ... 40
3.2. Quotas Dedicated For Women In Politics ... 43
3.3. Formal And Informal Political Participation Of Women ... 44
3.4. Somali Women In Politics ... 46
3.4.1. Challenges Keep Somali Women Out Of Politics ... 48
3.5. Somalia: Promoting Women in politics ... 53
Chapter Four:Patriarchal Society And Islamic Feminism In Somalia ... 55
4.1. Significance And The Aim Of The Study ... 55
4.2. Research Questions And Hypothesis ... 56
4.3. Objectives Of The Study ... 56
4.4. Constraints Of The Study ... 56
4.5. Research Methodology ... 57
4.6. Validity And Reliability Of The Study ... 58
4.7. Data Analysis And Findings ... 58
4.7.1. Descriptive Statistics ... 58
4.7.2. Regression Analysis ... 66
4.7.3. Factor Analysis Of Patriarchal Society And Islamic Feminism In Somalia .. 68
4.9. Discussion And Results ... 68
4.10. Conclusion And Recommendations ... 70
Reference ... 73
Questionnaire ... 73
1
INTRODUCTION
“
Kal caano galeen iyo kas naageed kala dheer,” means “A breast that contains milk has nowisdom.” A Somali proverb Man domination or patriarchal attitude is a common culture in many
countries in the world; while Somalia is one of these countries. Besides, Somali traditional customary law is principally patriarchal that mixes Somali nomadic pastoral tradition and norms with Islamic teachings that kept women out of social life, economic and political activities (APD, 2002: 1). In fact, man domination societies and organizations are accountable the inferiority or low level status of women around the world. Above all, patriarchal societies used to give an absolute priority and privilege to male gender than female gender and some boundaries to women’s human rights as well (Sultana, 2011: 1).
Positively, Somali traditional culture women are respected to and regarded as the backbone of society primarily, because they are responsible for the biological reproduction of the lineage and inter clan alliances. So, in early days Somali women’s role is confined within her houses work, making and raising children and this traditional culture has limited women’s participation in education, economics and politics and has kept them out of decision making processes (Maxamuud, 2011: 2).
But, something worth to mention is that the place of women in an Islamic society is determined by the Koran, the tradition of the Prophet Mohammed, and the interpretations of Islamic law. Through the revelation of the Koran and the Sunnah of the Prophet Mohammed, Islam liberated women from unacceptable and unendurable conditions that prevailed in the tribal society of pre-Islamic Arabia (Academy for peace and development in Somaliland, 2002:7).
Islamic Feminism generally fights for gender equality from within Islam in all spheres of life, that is, social, political and economic aspects. The methodology in the application of Islamic Feminism entails reinterpreting Quran Sunnah(practice of Prophet Mohammed’s teachings) and Hadith (stories from Prophet Mohammed)
2 through what are called ijtihad(independent investigation of religious sources) and tafsir ( Quran interpretation) (Badran 2008:40).
In fact, the invisibility of women in politics is a worldwide phenomenon, poor representation and low level participation is not new trend in Somalia and many other countries in world including, in Somalia women make up to about 51% of the population and they are currently underrepresented in the political administration. Women represent only a small percentage of national legislators; they have only occupied 14.5% of the parliamentary seats in the present government. “The imbalance between men and women in politics is undeniable, and consensus between men and women has arisen here on the urgent need to remedy this situation. So women should not wait the UN dedicated quota, women should come to the table and fight for their rights in Islam” Somali politician.
Unfortunately, the inequality between women and men in Somalia stems from the Somali patriarchal culture. In this way, Patriarchy refers to the male domination or male has the power of both public and private institutions. This study, is attempt to analyze how patriarchal Somali society perceives women’s participation in politics? And to explore how Islamic feminism challenges patriarchal culture in Somalia.
In the literature review first chapter is focused on patriarchy, man domination and Somali culture, second chapter the study examines Islamic feminism, women’s right in Islam and status of women in Islam, lastly the third chapter discovers the women political participation in Somalia and enhancing their awareness.
3
CHAPTER ONE
PATRIARCHY, MAN DOMINANCE AND SOMALI CULTURE
Literature reviewed includes journal articles, books, conference papers, e-books and internet sites based on their contribution and insights to this research. This chapter is focused on the main variables of the research including the concept, origin of patriarchy, women subordination and also this chapter will highlights the Somali patriarchal culture, and Somali women’s status in public life and lastly reviews literature on Islam and Feminism.
1.1. PATRIARCHY
1.1.1. Concept of Patriarchy
The concept of patriarchy is defined in different ways by different thinkers and researchers including feminists. Kamla Bhasin is one of these thinkers, he defines patriarchy as a rules controlled by the ‘male figure’ or patriarch. So in this meaning the word ‘patriarch’ originally was used to describe characters in a male dominated family where women, children, slaves, and domestic helpers were under the domination or the control of the male figure. Now, the term ‘patriarch’ is widely used to describe male domination and marginalized women or in other words relationship between the dominating male and the subordinate female (Venny & Rahayu, 2014:3).
In a wider definition, patriarchy means “the manifestation and institutionalization of male dominance over women and children in the family and the extension of male dominance over women in society in general”. It shows us that “the power or administration of all important institutions of society held by men” and “women completely are not allowed to the access to such power”. Moreover, it affirms to us that women are less ability than men in many sides of public life and also women are deprived of rights, influence, and resources (Lerner, 1989:239).
In modern everyday life, if it is needed to understand what patriarchy is, it can be realized by the discrimination and inequality between gender in various forms of life such as in education, work opportunities and strategic career paths, salaries and wages, and so forth. In other circumstances, the existence of patriarchy is more
4 pronounced such as sexual and physical violence against women, including pornography, sexism in language and the visual arts and so on. Meanwhile, political manifestation of patriarchy is men’s control exerted over women’ bodies and sexuality, control over women’s political aspirations, and control of women’s ‘free’ choices in their lives (Venny & Rahayu, 2014:3).
Similarly, the patriarchal system is characterized by power, dominance, hierarchy, and competition. So patriarchy is a system of social structures and practices that men dominate and women subordinate, or in other way is social structure in which men dominate and oppress and exploit women (Sultana, 2011: 3). Feminists generally use the term ‘patriarchy’ to describe the power relationship between men and women. Thus, patriarchy is bigger than just a term; feminists use it like a concept, and like any other concepts it is a tool that helps us to get clear understand of women realities around the world (Sultana, 2011: 3).
1.1.2. Origin of Patriarchy
The origin of patriarchy or men dominating society pinpoints to social consequence of human reproduction. In very early human history, human life was short and too difficult comparing to human life in twenty first century, so to balance the high death rate and maintain the population, women had to give birth too many children. Therefore, all women around the world assumed tasks that was associated with home and child care while men accredited to take over the hunting work and every other tasks that needed both greater and longer absence from the home, As a result, men became dominant. Because of their hunting of large animals, contact with other tribes, and traded with other groups that made them dominant and made women subordinate (www.sociologyguide.com, 2016).
Regarding to this, traditional people believe that all men are born to dominate and all women are born to be subordinate. Also traditional elders still do believe that this hierarchy has always existed and will continue forever, and like all other rules of nature this culture cannot be changed. While there are many people who challenge these beliefs and say that patriarchy is man-made and not natural so it should be
5 changed, according to my opinion patriarchy is not nature and it is man-made, of course it should be eliminated (Sultana, 2011: 4).
Above all, an important explanation about the origin of patriarchy was given by Frederick Engels in 1884 in his book, “The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State (Engels 1940)”, Engels believed that the subordination of women started with the development of private property, he said that both the division of classes and women subordination developed historically, At that stage when private property arose in the society men wanted to retain power and property, and pass it on to their own children. To ensure this inheritance, mother-right was overthrown. In order to establish the right of the father, women had to be domesticated and confined and their sexuality regulated and controlled. That was the period both patriarchy and monogamy were established according to Engels (Sultana, 2011: 4).
1.2. WOMEN SUBORDINATION
women subordination is illustrated by the mentality of men derived from socially and culturally determined concepts of gender roles which prevents women from being self-confident and reliant: for instance, belief in purdah reduces female mobility and the scope for full participation in national life, as in education and employment; hence, it enhances dependence (Murshid, n.d:124).
The term ‘women subordination’ refers to the inferior or low level position of women, their lack of access to resources and decision making etc. and to the patriarchal domination that women are subjected to in most societies. So, women subordination means the inferiority of women to men. The feeling of less ability, powerlessness, discrimination and experience of limited esteem and self-confidence jointly lead women to believe that they are inferior and also contribute to the subordination of women. Thus, women subordination is a situation, where a power relationship exists and men dominate women (Sultana, 2011: 7).
The subordination of women is a central feature of all structures of interpersonal domination, but feminists choose different locations and causes of subordination. Contemporary feminist theory begins with Simone de Beauvoir’s
6 argument that “because men view women as fundamentally different from themselves, women are reduced to the status of the second sex and hence subordinate” (Beauvior, 1974). As well, Kate Millet’s theory of subordination argues that “women are a dependent sex class under patriarchal domination” (Millet, 1977).
Apart from this, women are considered inferior by most men, even in professions e.g. journalism. Women's work is undervalued and underestimated both in terms of pay and status. Generally women are primarily expected to be wives and mothers engaged in undervalued work like reproducing and rearing children, cooking, cleaning and looking after the household. Otherwise, they are expected to work in areas considered suitable for women for instance: agricultural sector, this includes sowing, husking, reaping etc. and in the non-agricultural sector, teaching, sewing, knitting, crafts and embroidery, etc. But, as Bhattacharya points out, it is in the non-traditional sector of manufacturing that women may expect changes in the sexual division of labor, higher incomes and a concomitant change in social attitudes (Murshid, n.d:124).
1.3. PATRIARCHY AS AN IDEOLOGY
Patriarchy is “a social system in which the male acts as the primary authority figure central to social organization, and where fathers hold authority over women, children, and property” (wikipedia.com). Patriarchy refers to social systems in which the power is primarily held by adult men. These definitions give a meaning that patriarchy implies the institutions of male rule and privilege, as well it produces female subjection. This description likewise says that most patriarchal communities are mostly patrilineal which means that property and title are came by the masculine ancestry (Wikipedia.com).
In fact it is important to overlook patriarchy as an ideology of female subjugation and oppressing, and similarly it should be look as a concept of fighting against it.
Patriarchy can be traced through different stages of civilisation as well, a few perspectives had been stated concerning the origination of patriarchy and its generality. Its origins have been traced in history, religion and in nature. For some
7 authors, patriarchy is a system has a beginning in history, is manmade and thus can be ended by historical processes in the future. For others, patriarchy is a natural phenomenon, i.e., it is based on biological differentiation of human beings into male and female categories. It is figured out that, patriarchy is worldwide, God-given, natural and cannot be questioned. Therefore they believe that to modify man domination or patriarchy would amount to modifying nature. While others still, did not accepted the above description and explanation as well, and have talked about the presence of a stage in society prior to patriarchy – that of a matriarchal or matrilineal society, where have had a dominant status (www.ibiblio.org, (n.d)).
Another point worth mentioning is patriarchy is still a major force hindering women’s advancement. A mixing of patriarchy, traditionalist religious explication and cultural stereotyping has caused a very strong psychological barrier among Arab and many other populations around the world regarding women’s participation in the public sphere. The hierarchical, patriarchal tribal structure of several Arab and African societies may be another factor that contributes to this state of affairs (Sabbagh, 2004: 55).
The problem of patriarchy, being an ideological one, requires discuss also enhancing awareness – and the time is ripe for stakeholders in the countries to open Pandora’s Box and launch a straight debate on women’s rights in the context of religion and culture. So launching this, strong caution should be exercised based on the negative image associated with gender rights activism, which portrays women as ‘divorcees with scores to settle against men in general’. Enhancing the awareness of the community will be even more effective if the mass media, through sponsored programs, and social media can be strategically operated to promote messages against harmful patriarchal practices and publicize the views that the arguments about gender equality is not only purposed challenging the man’s status but a common good benefit to society at large, women activists, leaders and feminists will also need to work closely with media to dispute stereotypical stories about them and ensure that their success stories are given wide coverage, with the aim of changing perceptions about women leaders from helpless victims to serious performers
8 (Mohammed, 2015:471).
Ultimately, an acceptance of the status quo and possibly an unconscious fear of change have become a major challenge that has to be dealt with. Hisham Sharabi’s concept of neo-patriarchy in the Arab region aptly describes the conditions of patriarchy in Arab society that have been reinforced and sustained in more modernized forms. Sharabi contends that the drive towards modernity in the region has strengthened the patriarchal norms and values; hence he views the oppression of women as the cornerstone of the neo-patriarchal system and their liberation as an essential condition for overcoming it (Sabbagh, 2004: 55).
1.4. PATRIARCHY AND ISLAM
Patriarchy is a familiar global phenomenon, Walby (1990) argues that “patriarchy is made up of six elements: paid work, housework, sexuality, culture, violence and the state and that it is the interrelationship between these that create different forms of patriarchy”. This analys relates to western community but the opinion of sites of gender inequality are different also the notion of man domination can also be used to o chart the varying forms of sex inequality across ethnicity and class. So man domination is a "system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women"(Walby, 1990: 20).
In westernized communities, male seize female’s labor within the household in the system of patriarchal production relations. Women are separated into low or badly paid, jobs that need less skills in the manpower market. The things that also need to mention are policies, because most policies are made by men so state policies and actions are patriarchal as well as capitalist and racist. Man violence against women also take forms like beating of wife, sexual harassment, rape, compulsory heterosexuality, forced marriage and the sexual double standard; while man domination cultural relations represent women in institutions such as religion, education and the media in gender-differentiated forms of subjectivity (Ali, 2001: 38).
Unfortunately, Islam is commonly misconstrued to be patriarchal, and in a sense it’s easy to see why. The Western world or non-Islamic countries most often
9 considers Muslim women to be humiliated, exploited and oppressed, often turning to veiling garments to “illustrate” suppression. Even within Islamic countries, absolutely there exists a culture of male superiority and forcing women to subjugate themselves to patriarchal laws derived from misinterpretations of the Qur’an (www.fyeahmuslimwomen.weebly.com, n.d. 1).
If we look back patriarchy is older than the Islam and any other religion, as well as the life of holy Prophet Muhammad. Islam talked the existing patriarchal norms.
Besides, a fundamental task of women's studies is to examine religion from a gender perspective. Islam developed the position of women from zero to highest place because before Islam women were oppressed and even buried in live, although some scholars have begun to question this. A recapitulation of the argument in favor of improvement appears in Azizah Al-Hibri, "A Study of Islamic History: Or, How Did We Ever Get into This Mess?" (WSIF, 1982, 207-220).
In the patriarchal framework, men dominate and women are subordinate, men is superior to women, that can be seen as a relationship on a vertical plane, this shows us how patriarchy is a kind of shirk. It places men over women and always one person is superior to other. Under tawhid, this is not possible, because the presence of Allah must remain as the highest focal point. Since a new axis is formulated wherever and whenever Allah is present, and Allah is always present, then no one can hold the upper level without violating tawhid (Wadud, n.d: 109).
However, when Islam appeared in the 7th century, it encountered an Arabian tribal system, grounded in patriarchy, which is replaced with a new social organization based on common belief, umma. The conversion to Islam brought improvements for women, including new inheritance rights, the reduction of polygamy (to a maximum of four wives), the outlawing of female infanticide, and the right of women to participate in bai'a, the selection of a community leader. Lingering vestiges of patriarchy are attributed to the need for compromise. Following the death of Muhammad, however, patriarchal interests reasserted themselves, threatening the rights Islam granted women (Badran, 1973: 15).
10 Moroccan feminist Fatima Mernissi asserts that women are considered powerful by Islam (perhaps even dangerously so), which can easily be misinterpreted to mean that women need to be constrained. Additionally, feminist Gerda Lerner traces this "creation of patriarchy" through the continual repetition of male-dominated events and rituals throughout Islamic history (www.fyeahmuslimwomen.weebly.com, n.d 2).
1.5. IN SOMALIA “PATRIARCHAL ATTITUDE OF THE SOCIETY”
In western world and many other countries in the world, having a voice is already something that women gained and take for garneted in somehow, but in Africa and many countries in Asia women remain silent because of tradition, these societies have cultural and traditional practices that holds women back and become circumstances to their participation in public life.
Moreover, the practices of masculinity and femininity are inculcated in us from an early age. For example South Asia, girls are normally trained in to being obedient, caring, decorous and modest; while boys are disciplined to be strong, generous, self-confident, courageous, rational and protective (Bhasin, 2000: 6). Surprisingly they fulfill their roles as participants in the formal or informal economies, female gender thereby come up to stand up for their roles in the domestic sphere as nurse, dutiful wives and mothers, while male gender assume the role of primary householder, shouldering the responsibilities of families, and become the decision taker or policymakers in the private and public spheres (Mel et al., 2013: 21).
Coming to Somalia, Somali women share same fate with their sisters in Africa and some Asian countries, Somali traditional culture is primarily patriarchal society that mixes Somali nomadic pastoral custom and norms with Islamic teaching that kept women out of social, economic and political activities.
Additionally, Patriarchy is the major and only obstacle to women’s advancement and development in Somalia and any other place in the planet and it is a general phenomenon in the world particularly in Africa. Despite differences in levels of domination the broad principles remain the same. The nature of this control
11 may differ. So it is compulsory to comprehend the system, which keeps women dominated and subordinate, and to unravel its workings in order to work for women’s development in a systematic way (Sultana, 2011: 10).
Last decades woman begun to go ahead by their quality mainly in western countries and some few other countries in the world as well, including Somalia but still patriarchy creates obstacles for women to step forward in the society because patriarchal institutions take the responsibility of women’s inferiority and subordination indeed.
Mostly women and men do not benefit equally from economic development in many countries around the world, particularly Somalia, Patriarchal structures and ideologies, the inconsistent and materiel contexts of people's lives, and the degree to which women are subordinated in their societies, influence whether development initiatives will differentially advantage women and men. These elements, however, are especially difficult to assess in Africa (Parpart, 1995: 3).
Actually, Somali society can be described as a male dominated patrilineal and patriarchal society. Traditionally Somali women are only regarded as the backbone of society, primarily because they are responsible for the biological reproduction of the lineage and inter-clan alliances (Kapteijst, 1994: 89). The position of women in Somali society is unclear in somehow. When a woman get married she is still belongs to her father’s tribe as well her attitude can reflect on the dignity of her father’s lineage. Her male relatives are carry out the responsibility to protect her and they have the ability to claim compensation if she is mistreated or murdered.
Furthermore, she must be loyal and devoted to her husband’s clan to which she is linked through her sons. Somali women were traditionally not allowed to participate in the official clan decision - making, because they are not a permanent member in any clan as they believe (Somali men) and this belief still exist although it’s not strong as it was. However, they were always influential through both their affiliation to their husband at the household level and the networking capacity across clan (Maxamuud, 2011: 3).
12 Moreover, pastoral gender roles gave way to capitalist culture, reinforcing men’s roles as owners of productive capital and maintaining men’s political and domestic authority. These processes were legitimized by a particular understanding of Islamic laws of inheritance and decision-making that provided for greater land ownership and economic assets by men. There were varying degrees of intervention by colonial authorities, with the former content with a laissez faire approach to colonial rule, and the latter incorporating Italian civil laws. These laws did not, however, always apply to Somali citizens in the South, as Sharia/customary courts were established to deal with family and clan matters (Rayale, 2015: 8).
Consequently, the patriarchal nature of our society has shaped and perpetuated gender inequality to the extent of allowing male domination and female subordination. This sorrowful state of affairs has been fuelled by the socialization process, therefore to modify or change the situation this calls for re-socialization. Everyone who is involved in mass teaching or any form of public lecturing have to target at highlighting how culture has created a huge gap between men and women. In addition, patriarchy should be seen as it really is, that is, as a social construction and not a biological construction this is very important and should look carefully. Women should also be educated because education is power and lead them to figure out how culture imprisons them since the majority of them have accepted the status quo to the extent that they worship male domination (Kambarami, 2006: 9).
The second important issue is that the young generation should be socialized that men and women are equal because biological differences do not mean that the other sex is inferior. Also, the family is a major social institution and if this re-socialization starts inside families it will permeate into the other social institutions. In addition, laws should be made and policies amended so as to accommodate women, to grant them the same sexual freedom that their male counterparts enjoy. In order for these changes to materialize it needs passion, determination and commitment of everybody in society, man or woman (Kambarami, 2006: 9).
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1.6. CURRENT STATUS OF SOMALI WOMEN
Women are still regarded as a second-class citizen and deprived of various basic rights enjoyed by the male population. Deeply resenting this discrimination, they have championed a fight to obtain for themselves an equal status which unfortunately to date eludes them in the more modern Western states. Whereas the pendulum has swung to the extremes and has opened the way to licentiousness in the modern society, the West has often regarded Islamic women as being backward in a male-dominated world (Zafrulla Khan, 1991:4).
Moreover, women were judged to be less reasonable than men, more ruled by emotion, and thus incapable of political decision-making, for example. These types of assertions by philosophers and political theorists were supported by anatomists and biologists who, as scientific knowledge of the human body advanced in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, began to use data such as measurements of brain size to establish a difference in intelligence between men and women. Although this crude type of scientific differentiation between men and women is now almost universally acknowledged as worthless, there is a continuing attempt to provide empirical scientific data to support the idea of innate biological differences between men and women (Freedman, 2001:13).
In the next paragraphs we will look the status of Somali women in different aspects of life such as economic, education and social and political life.
1.6.1. Women’s Socio-Economic Status
Somali women constitute a homogenous population, their social position within and across all regions in the country are same by social class, age, education and urban/rural location, Other important factors that shape women’s legal status and social positions in some other countries are the country’s social structure and stage of development, as well as the nature of the state and its economic, social, and cultural policies. There is no archetypal Arab Woman, but rather women inserted in quite diverse (Moghadam, 2004: 22).
Socially, Somali women were heroes in the history of the country, they have participated in, and contributed to the development and sustainability of the country
14 throughout history. Women were active members and participants in freedom fighters movements in the 1940s and 50s such as the Somali Youth League (SYL). To elaborate, women mobilized and recruited new members for these movements, promoted and raised awareness, collected funds and membership fees, and secured housing for movement members. Too many of them were killed, imprisoned, tortured by the colonial enemy, as they fought for the Somalia independence. What is mocking is that, even though Somali women sacrificed and did a lot for the Somali state, and have continued to be the backbone of Somali society in the aftermath of the total collapse of all state institutions in 1991, Somali women continue to be absent from their country’s political leadership and public decision-making processes, and lack access to formal justice mechanisms (SWC, 2015: 3).
According to the UNDP, the inequalities beared by Somali women and girls, who make up 51% of the population, are “the most crucial factors participating to Somalia’s exceedingly poor human development index.
President Siad Barre’s period, women’s status there was a huge discrepancy between life with Barre and post-Barre. While President Barre was in power from 1969-1991, women held significant positions in the society. They got some hopes and became colonels, ambassadors and judges and were very visible in the public sphere. After Barre was ousted from power that all changed and a very different reality bore its ugly face to the women of Somalia. After the collapse of the regime Siad’s government in 1991 women’s situation became worse and no one protected the rights of women and prevented human rights abuses, women have repeatedly and still are the victims of discrimination, rape, murder, poverty, and all kinds of other abuses not mentioned above. The situation has actually been worsening for women in Somalia as they increasingly are being victimized mimicking the days, months, and years directly following the fall of Barre when the whole country essentially fell into disarray and mass death and human rights abuses followed (Graney, 2010:1).
Economically, in history all women in Islamic countries Somalia particularly are subject to economic constraints and discrimination, which are usually imposed on them to a greater degree than men, both inside and outside of the family. The in
15 egalitarian economic and occupational structure of patriarchal societies leaves women with very few alternatives. In general, the objective and perceived status of occupations and jobs open to women are inferior to those available to men. For this and other reasons, in many cases what making me shocked is women earn less than men who are employed in the same jobs that is clear discrimination. Without having access to “good” jobs, women will continue to be economically dependent on their spouses or partners mainly. Economic dependence is one of the factors that forcing women to be in a live with a violent generally (Haj-Yahia, 2005: 3).
In Somalia situation is worsen other places because Somali society suffers from long-standing economic setbacks caused by the prolonged civil war in the country and inequalities among society. Minority and caste groups have been traditionally excluded from politics and the economy and have been kept in inferior positions despite their sometimes vital economic role as specialized workers and traders. Women as a whole have been kept in an economically inferior position, and usually have not owned much capital on their own. This exclusion was sustained until 1991, despite the Somali government paying lip-service to social reform and equality. After the collapse of the state, these inequalities and exclusions worsened (www.bti-project.org., 2014: 21).
After the collapse of the government in 1991 many families fled from the country to the west and neighboring countries while others remained in the country. Unfortunately, most of Somali women who remained in the country had to enter the market in the absence of men, who frequently engaged in fighting, chewing narcotic khat or who had been maimed through the fighting or were mentally unstable. While in a hard situation women perform increasingly vital economic roles in Somalia and have become in many cases the family breadwinner, but they still are excluded from political and economic positions. Up until 2012, despite some political progress, there are few signs that the most underprivileged and excluded groups in Somalia would be in a position to reclaim property they lost after 1990 or to gain a fairer share within politics or the economy. Women remain marginalized, despite it is
16 achieved some level of economic and political power (www.bti-project.org., 2014: 21).
1.6.2. Women’s Political Status
Political representation is a one basic human right accredited in all human being by nature, and also it is stipulated in international human rights tool that: “All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development”.
Under Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights says that every fellow or citizen has the right also the chance to participate in public issues or public affairs without any differentiation, directly or indirectly through chosen representative. In the same way, every citizen also has the right to vote or to be elected at real cyclical election in his or her country that should be universal and justice and be held by secret ballots, which is giving the assurance of free expressing of the will of electors. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women provides that appropriate measures should be taken to clear or to delete discrimination against women in public life particularly in politics, to ensure that women, on equal terms with men (Tungaraza, 2008:37).
In a male-dominated society such as Somalia (and elsewhere in the world), policy and legislative recognition of reserved seats for women in leadership is a prerequisite for ensuring the participation of women in leadership and decision making. Codification of international human rights instruments into domestic laws is an essential and obligatory, as well is the only most important way of enhancing the number of women’s participation in politics. Traditionally, women in Somalia were not expected to influence the decision-making processes and now they are not have the full right to influence the decision making process although they have achieved a better place if we compare in early days, from the domestic level to a national level. These hard attitude is based on patriarchal structures, which limit women having their say in the allocation of domestic resources (Tungaraza, 2008:37).
17 In conclusion, politics is defined and characterized as a dirty game by men, which requires tough qualities so that very few women are attracted by it. Those women who enter politics display have to really prove that they have tough caliber in order to withstand the pressure brought about by patriarchal attitudes which define women as weak and incapable citizens not fit for public office. Moreover, mostly women are only feely accepted without questions as singers, dancers, cooks and guest entertainers (Kambarami, 2006:7).
1.6.3. Women’s Educational Status
Many Somali’s believe that girls do not need too much of education or to be well educated, as they are supposed to stay at home and deal with household works and see them as reproductive tool.
Thus women (in Somali) and many other countries historically have been denied full access to social services including education. The education system that existed in Somalia during the colonial period was quite rudimentary; the system was set up in the North by the British and in the South by the Italians. The medium of instruction was the colonial languages until 1969 (Ali, 2001:42). In the colonial period women had no much access to the education since the community were nomads and small famers in the rural areas which caused women to deeply only involved in the house work, farm supporters and livestock and it was believed that women’s work was only to serve her family and then her husband.
However, since independence, the gender inequality especially in primary and essential education has been reduced, both the civilian and military administrations straggled to expand and develop education policies which significantly boosted the enrollment of female children in public schools, and it was forced families to brought their girls public schools by the early 1980s, girls accounted for about 43% of all school children. The government collapse and civil war ended and even reversed this trend (Abdulle & Ali, 2004: 102).
But post-civil war girls get involved much better than in education and some improvement occurring day after day that caused the female situation in Somalia gradually going towards betterness.
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“Somali women are increasingly seen in educational scenes and get well educated that made us happy and really they are ready to participate in the reconstruction of the country,” Mariam Aweis Jama, former minister of women,
human rights and gender.
1.7. SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF SOMALIA
Until the establishment of the colonial administration, Somali society had no stable, territorially extensive central states with wide ranges of functions. But this did not imply the absence of political authority or legitimate institutions. Through a range of kinship associations, Somali society has managed its political affairs without resorting to hierarchical or elitist political arrangements. This is attributed to the pastoral mode of production that neither required nor could afford centralized state institutions. While such comparisons cannot be pushed too far, it also resembles early mediaeval European state modes with strong local lords, weak kings, peripatetic courts and rapid shifts in territorial extent of the super structural kingdoms and empires (Ahmed, 1998: 2).
In addition to that, Somalis are belong to several clans and sub clans. As all Somalis are born into this social structure, kinship is a critical source of an individual’s identity that defines a person’s relationship to other Somalis. Clans are not static forms of social organization but dynamic social constructs, in which alliances are formed and realigned in response to internal and external events and processes. Social relations are also influenced by other factors such as wealth, educational qualifications, gender and age, and geography, age-groups, neighborhoods, workplaces or religious affiliation can all provide an alternative basis for social bonds between people of different lineages. Kinship is, nevertheless, an important feature of Somali social, political and economic life (Logica, 2015: 10).
In Somalia It is very usual for poor and uneducated nomad persons to reach high positions of the government as an equal and engage him in a debate about sensitive government issues and affairs.
A basic aspect of traditional Somali political organization is a group that assigned to keep the condition of the clan and it is called Diya Paying Group, this
19 group is made up of between a few hundred to a few thousand men linked by lineage and contractual agreement to support one another, especially in the regard to compensation for injuries and death against fellow members (somaliaholland.free.fr, n.d).
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CHAPTER TWO
ISLAM, FEMINISM AND WOMEN IN ISLAM
This chapter is grouped into many categories. The first category involves a review on feminism and its branches. The second category comprises literature on Islamic feminism and the last category reviews literature on women’s rights in Islam and the status of women in Islam.
2.1. FEMINISM AND ITS BRANCHES
As has been rightly noted that every concepts and terms have a history, So, as well feminism also have a history, the term “feminism” was coined in France in the late 1880s by Hubertine Auclert, who introduced it in her journal, La Citoyenne, to criticize male predominance (and domination), and to make claims for women’s rights and emancipation promised by the French Revolution (Badran, 2002: 242). Since its first outlook the term took many different descriptions and put to several uses. The word “Feminism” designate to the advocacy of women’s rights and the equality of sexes according to the Oxford Dictionary.
Feminism is a term that emerged before many decades ago after women started questioning their inferior status and demanding an amelioration in their social position. Even after the word feminism was coined, it was still not adopted as a term of identification by many of those who campaigned for women’s rights. Even many organizations that advocating for women’s right in the late 1960s and early 1970s have not called themselves feminist: the term feminism had a restricted use in relation to specific concerns and specific groups (Delmar 1986).
Recently all women’s right groups has been applied to feminist label indiscriminately, and this non-coincidence between these groups subsequently labeling and self-identification as feminist openly relates to the problem of what criteria are to be used in deciding whether a person, group or action is ‘feminist’ (Freedman, 2001:13).
Here, next paragraphs we will lunch some major forms of Feminism that we are intended to understand more about the feminism and it is history. a. Liberal b.
21 Marxist. c. Radical. d. Socialist and e. cultural. In the next paragraphs we are going to give a short explanation each one.
2.1.1. Liberal feminism- form of the equality type of feminism
Liberal feminism is one form of feminism and it is individualistic form of feminism theory that argues that equality for women can be achieved through legal means and social reform. Liberal feminism inclines towards an equality or sameness argument with men. It conceives of politics in individualistic terms and looks to reform present practices in society, rather than advocating for a wholesale revolutionary change. In this branch there are many famous writers, feminists and authors associated with liberal feminism or traditional feminist including a very early feminist Mary Wollstonecraft and second-wave feminist Betty Friedan. So, this branch’s primary aim is gender equality in all aspects of life such as equal access to education, pay, and job. Liberal feminist are often seen among other types of feminists as conservative and overwhelmingly white and middle class (www.sociology.morrisville.edu, n.d 1).
Liberal feminists do believe that society does not have to be completely restructured to achieve empowerment for women and to incorporate women into meaningful and equitable roles. This idea looks to be adopted by professional, middle-class women who achieved a high position on education and social life. They are believed to have some economic resources for better competing with men to achieve desirable social positions and employment opportunities. Liberal feminism thus appeals to “mainstream” women who agree with the overall structure of the present social system, only that it should be nonsexist. There is a formal group which representing this branch called National Organization for Women, with a statement of purpose calling for an end to restrictive gender roles that serve to diminish opportunities for both women and men (www.pearsonhighered.com, n.d).
2.1.2. Cultural feminism
There are fundamental personality differences between men and women, and those women’s differences are special and should be celebrated. This branch of cultural feminism improved from radical feminism even though radical feminism and
22 cultural feminism have many opposing ideas. Cultural feminism supports the idea of biological differences between genders. For example women are kinder and gentler then men, “leading to the mentality that if women ruled the world there would be no wars that is logical view point. Cultural feminism is the theory that wants to overcome sexism by celebrating women’s special qualities, women’s ways and women’s experience, often believing that the “women’s way” is the better way (www.sascwr.org, 2004).
2.1.3. Socialist feminism
Socialist feminism is a branch of feminism and it is also referred to as “Marxist feminism,” socialist feminism generally adopts the Marx–Engels model described earlier that links the inferior position of women to class-based capitalism and its alignment with the patriarchal family in capitalistic societies. Socialist feminism argues that sexism and capitalism are mutually supportive. The unpaid labor of women in the home and their paid labor in a reserve labor force simultaneously serve patriarchy capitalism. Many socialist feminists— both men and women—also believe that economic and emotional dependence go hand in hand. Fearful of the loss of economic security, a husband’s power over his wife is absolute. And socialist feminist theory analyzed the connection between the pressure and oppression of women and other oppressions in the community in general e.g. racism and economic injustice. Capitalism needs to be eliminated and socialist principles adopted to both home and workplace (www.pearsonhighered.com, n.d).
Socialist feminism emphasizes the necessity for revolutionary societal changes in order to eliminate the existing unequal distribution of power. Equality is viewed not only in terms of opportunity but, more crucially, in terms of rewards. This perspective necessitates and facilitates an understanding of the experiences of women of all classes and races as a means of understanding oppression. An essential feminist strategy for achieving the liberation of women involves al1gnment with other oppressed groups in order to find their common grounds of oppression and to resist women's subordination in the marketplace and in the home (Freeman, n.d:139).
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2.1.4. Radical feminism
Radical feminism is a form of feminism that sees women’s oppression (which radical feminists refer to as "patriarchy") (www.morrisville.edu, n.d: 3). the concepts of patriarchy and sex class are key ideas in relation to the understanding of women's position and experience in all societies. Patriarchy has existed in all known human societies and, as such, pre-dates Capitalist forms of gender inequality. Patriarchal relationships are considered to have paved the way for Capitalist forms of economic and gender exploitation (www.sociology.org.uk, 2005).
Sexual inequality is institutionalized in society. It is not possible to achieve sexual equality through legal means or by "changing people's attitudes". Men are the enemy of women. Women are a sex class in that they share a common interest in freeing themselves from male oppression, the universal causes of patriarchy are considered to be: The exploitation of female biology by men (men can exploit women's incapacity through pregnancy, for example). Marriage-based family relationships in which men control women's behavior, heterosexual relationships, one solution to the problem of patriarchal exploitation is seen to be lesbian relationships and female support groups. Some Radical Feminists (e.g. Firestone) argue that female emancipation can be achieved technologically (women being freed from childbirth and so forth) (www.sociology.org.uk, 2005).
In general, Radical Feminists see the exploitation of women as involving both the public sphere (work for example) and the private sphere (the home - marriage as, according to David Bouchier, an "institutionalized source of female oppression”). This a dual form of female exploitation not experienced by men (www.sociology.org.uk, 2005).
2.2. ISLAM AND FEMINISM IN SOMALIA
Islam started a long time ago between seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to gain more popularity among the other ethnic groups in the world, in addition to the long-Islamic Toucouleur by offering “a vision of an egalitarian, peaceful, law-abiding society which coalesced into the internal opposition to the [Atlantic] slave trade” (Colvin 1981: 6).
24 To Somalis religion is quite important more than other Islamic countries in somehow, and they are pragmatic and philosophical in their approach to religion but it passes most aspects of everyday life (Lewis, 1993). Somalis are mostly Sunni Muslims (about 99 per cent) and there are a very few non Sunnis in the country. Islam is the religion that sets boundaries, rules and principles for its adherents to follow, nomadic women in Somalia are not veiled mostly and they have more freedom of movement and independence because of their way of life as some people believe it (Lewis, 1993). But everywhere in the world Muslim women are expected and supposed to dress hijab and those who have short or revealing clothes face criticizes from their family about their un- Islamic behavior while some places became normal that the girls to be uncovered, in Islam women are to cover their bodies and it is compulsory because there are verses in the Koran which are clearly talking about hijab and it’s conditions (Ali, 2001: 33).
Some scholars believe that feminism is incompatible with Islamic practices since feminism is a movement that advocates equal rights for women Paidar's (1995) definition of feminism is a useful basis for examining connections between Islam and feminism, the term "feminism .... (can) be used in ... the broadest possible sense to accommodate any type of activism by women focusing on their gender interests within any political or ideological framework ...in here I would like to refer some other different feminisms, such as Islamist feminism, secular feminism, state feminism, socialist feminism. This broad definition of 'feminism, is not intended to hide the differences between " feminism and " gender activism (Paidar, 1996: 64).
Therefore feminism can cover any means by which women can bring about changes in their lives, whatever the system they live under. Badran (1993) tried to establish a difference between Islam and feminism by stating that it their adherence to Islam is seen in the marriage, divorce, gender relations, social customs, dress, food, choice of children's name and other practices such as fasting during Ramadan and the celebration of Eid festivities was patriarchy and not Islam that ensured women’s subordination. However, many Muslims and non-Muslims do believe that the patriarchy and Islam are not separable, they thought patriarchy and Islam do get
25 played against each other, For example, many men certainly use Islam as a lever to assert their patriarchal rights within the private sphere, but some Somali women in Britain make reference to the Koran when asserting their rights in the home, while Egyptian feminists used Islamic arguments to challenge patriarchy in the private sphere and to legitimize their entry to the public sphere (Ali, 2001:35).
However, Badran (1993) argues that patriarchy labelled 'feminism' in Egypt as western and hence un-Islamic. Therefore, the gains made in the public sphere were not-reflected in the family where the application of legislation affecting personal status reflected the continued patriarchal Islamic dominance (Ali, 2001:35).
2.3. ISLAMIC FEMINISM
“Islamic feminism is one type of feminism that concerned with the role of women in Islam. It aims for the full equality of all Muslims, regardless of sex or gender, in public and private life. Islamic feminists advocate women's rights, gender equality, and social justice grounded in an Islamic framework”.
Margot Badran, Islamic
feminist, 2008.
Islamic feminism is a Koran-centered reform movement by Muslim women with the linguistic and theological knowledge to challenge patriarchal interpretations and offer alternative readings in pursuit of women’s advancement and in refutation of Western stereotypes and Islamist orthodoxy alike. Islamic feminists are crucial of women’s rights, legal status and social positions and also agree that that are oppressed, exploited and placed them in subordinate positions, – by law and by custom – in the family, the economy, and the polity. In particular, they are critical of the content of Muslim family laws and the ways that these laws restrict women’s human rights and privilege men. And yet they vigorously disagree that Islam is implicated in this state of affairs. Their alternative argument is that Islam has been interpreted in patriarchal and often misogynistic ways over the centuries (and especially in recent decades), that Sharia law has been misunderstood and misapplied, and that both the spirit and the letter of the Koran have been distorted.
26 Their insistence that what appears as God’s law is in fact human interpretation is an audacious challenge to contemporary orthodoxy (Moghadam, 2004: 12).
According to Tomac (2011), Islamic Feminism normally and generally advocates for gender equality from within Islam in all spheres of life, that is, social, political and economic aspects. The methodology in the application of Islamic Feminism entails reinterpreting Quran Sunnah(practice of Prophet Mohammed’s teachings) and Quran Hadith (stories from Prophet Mohammed) through what are called ijtihad (independent investigation of religious sources) and tafsir ( Quran interpretation). The fundamental and primary debate is that gender inequality in Islamic countries originated from misdirected interpretation of Islamic teachings by patriarchal minded individuals. Thus, just as male interpreters or commentators constructed their own interpretations of Islamic texts and sanctioned male dominance, so too can female interpreters contribute immensely towards the deconstruction and the challenging of male dominance (Ngunjiri, 2013: 16).
Historically, the term ‘Islamic feminism’ began to be visible in the early 1990s in various global locations. It was from the writings of Muslims that the term developed. Iranian scholars Afsaneh Najmabadi and Ziba Mir-Hosseini explained the rise and use of the term Islamic feminism in Iran by some women as well as men, writing in the Tehran women’s journal Zanan, which Shahla Sherkat founded in 1992, Saudi Arabian scholar Mai Yamani used the term in her 1996 book Feminism and Islam, also Turkish scholars Yesim Arat and Nilufer Gole in the book The Forbidden Modern (translated into English in 1996) used the term Islamic feminism in the 1990s to describe a new feminist paradigm they detected emerging in Turkey, similarly South African activist Shamima Sheikh used the term Islamic feminism, as did her co-activists male and female. By mid 90s there was growing evidence of Islamic feminism as a term created and circulated by Muslims in far-flung corners of the Muslim World (Worthington, 2011: 27).
Some Muslim women, as seen from the above comments, explain the articulation and advocacy of a Qur’an mandated gender equality and social justice as Islamic feminism. Others, however, do not call this Islamic feminism, instead
27 describing it as a woman centered rereading of the Qur’an and other religious texts by scholar activists (Badran, 2002: 244).
It must be added that while most Muslims use the adjectives ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ to label themselves or others, there are Muslims who feel uneasy about these terms. It is important to historicize or contextualize the use of the terms religious and secular, as they mean different things in different times and places. Finally, it is useful to remember that these terms comprise porous rather than rigid categories (Badran, 2002: 245).
In addition to that, Islamic Feminism faces many challenges from two camps. The first camp debates that Islam and feminism are completely polar concepts and as such, Islamic Feminism is an oxymoron. The second camp, sees Islamic Feminism as an alternative to Western Feminism that is: it cannot survive on its own, and here are those some scholars who have these different views: Shirin Ebadi, the first Muslim and Iranian women who won the Nobel Prize in Norway disagrees with the ideas of Islamic Feminism. She views Islamic Feminism as a great concept as long as it is wholesome and applies to all women: that is, as long as the adjective Islamic is not used to make it a concept unique to Muslims. According to her (Ebadi), women’s rights, democracy and feminism are global issues and concepts with understandable definitions that are the same all along the world. And this do not make difference whether we are in the east or the west. Those who talk about Islamic feminism, Islamic human rights and Islamic democracy are referring to something different from what is universally known as feminism, human rights and democracy (Ngunjiri, 2013: 16).
Margot Badran a historian approaches Islam from a feminist perspective in
writings, public talks and interviews on Islamic Feminism. In Islamic Feminism: What’s in a Name? (2002b), Badran writes: "Islamic Feminism, which obtains its comprehension and instruction from the holy Quran, additionally search justice and rights for women and for men, in the totality of their existence…Islamic Feminism fights women’s rights, gender equality, and social justice in all aspects of life through using Islamic discourse as its paramount discourse, though not necessarily its only
