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Letter
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Turkey
Sultans and harems, perhaps?
Allies, but still the odd men out
The coarsest word is ‘Greek’
Schoolboy hero: Attila the Hun
The new Ataturk
Poppy crisis and Cyprus crisis
East or West? Istanbul, its Islamic domes and minarets, its Western pace and style.
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By D avid Holden________________
ANKARA. I wonder what most people in the Western world think about when they hear the name of Turkey? The question washed about lazily in my mind not long ago as I sunned myself on a balcony on the European shore o f the Bosphorus and watched the traffic of that lovely waterway sliding to and fro between me and the hills o f Asia.The Western image
Sultans and harems, perhaps? Or the domes and minarets of Islam on Stamboul’s famous skyline? Or the Orient Express thundering eastward across Europe, familiar symbol of an old Graham Greene- land of intrigue, espionage and love in a wagon-lit?
Harmless visions all, they seemed, if more than a touch too romantic. But a few weeks later, when the latest Greco-Turkish crisis over Cyprus burst upon the world, a different and more deeply felt image emerged. “ Barbarians!” cried the banner headline of a British popular newspaper over a story of Turkish Arm y atrocities in Cyprus; and suddenly in many a nuance o f Western reporting and comment there sounded, it seemed to me, the still-rumbling echoes o f ancient fears and suspi cions about a people who, fo r a thousand years, were an Eastern menace beyond the Western pale.
To be sure, the Turks themselves were far from blameless. Their diplomacy over Cyprus was blunt, to say the least, and their military actions were heavy-handed and at times apparently indifferent to human suffering. Y et they were hardly the first people to pursue national self-interest in this way and they had much justice on their side.
For 14 years o f Cypriote independence the 130,000 Turks on the island had been in fact, as well as in their own imagination, second-class citizens. A t least twice, in 1964 and 1967, Turkish Governments in Ankara had complied with Ameri can pressure to refrain from sending in their troops to correct the inequity. Not surprisingly, they felt entitled this year to ask where their unnatural restraint had got them. A t first, thanks largely to the blunders o f the Greek military Government and its supporters in Cyprus, the Turks won some Western understanding. But as they pressed their advantage, that understanding waned. When their troops effectively partitioned the island and some unimaginative Turkish officers named the new di viding line between Greek and Turk after that legendary villain of Western history, Attila the Hun, disappointment and exasperation mingled with sheer incomprehension among many o f Tur key’s friends. That Attila was a Turkish schoolboy hero, seen in Turkish textbooks not merely as a great soldier but as a ruler enlightened beyond che standards of his day, was simply not part of standard Western knowledge. On the contrary, to the Western mind, the most notorious “ barbarians” have come from the. East and, as the latest Oriental people to arrive, about 1,000 years ago, the Turks have always carried the stigmata of their predeces sors. They have also added plenty of their own. For one thing, they overran the Byzantine empire of the Greeks but, most important, o f course, they were a Moslem people who carried the banner of Mohammed against the Christian world. The Turk ish "hordes” — the word itself is Turkish, derived from the original ordu, meaning army— were, quite simply, the heathens at the gates. Centuries later, that pious nonconformist Prime Minister o f Brit ain, William Ewart Gladstone, found the Turk “ unspeakable,” and his successor, Lloyd George, was equally partisan in his apparent belief that the Turks fighting the Greeks in Anatolia in 1922
David Holden is a correspondent fo r The Sunday Times of London.
represented the Forces of Darkness against the Light.
Such myths die hard and the Turks of today have a difficult task in trying to live them down. For 20 years now, their country has been a mem ber of NATO, with the biggest standing army in Europe deployed on the only NATO frontier that is actually shared with the Soviet Union between northern Norway and the Black Sea. For the last decade Turkey has been an associate member of the European Common Market as well, struggling to bring its old-fashioned peasant economy up to the competitive standards of its Western partners. Its soldiers fought in Korea alongside the Ameri cans; it’s airfields provided a base for American spy flights over Russia; hundreds of thousands of its migrant workers have toiled with Greeks, Span iards and Yugoslavs in the factories o f W est Ger many to help create the postwar German “ miracle.” Yet the Turks remain the W est’s odd men out— all 35 million of them. Poorer on average than any other people in Europe except perhaps the Portu guese, more remote, less literate, speaking a tongue unlike any Western language (unless you count Finnish, with which Turkish shares some common roots as well as a common obscurity) and Moslems almost to a man, they offer, in Western eyes, no plausible points of contact save those o f economic, political or military convenience.
Culturally and psychologically, they remain al most as much as ever beyond the pale— welcomed as an expedient extension of Western military might around the southern flank o f Russia but otherwise strangers at the door. Nor is this sur prising.
The fact is, surely, that for most of us W est erners “ The East” still begins at Istanbul— a tw i light world of unease and strange circumstance that we approach with a mixture o f ignorance and indifference interspersed with periodic bouts of moral disapproval. The result is that the Turks feel profoundly neglected by their Western partners— cared for only so long as they are militarily useful and their Governments do as they are told.
The Turkish reaction
“ J tried to find a title which would describe the brigands who left the innocent children, women and aged in hunger and thirst and who killed our brethren whenever they got the chance . . . In the end I found the coarsest and most humiliating word to describe them— Greeks."
That quotation from a recent Turkish news paper article shows that the Turks, too, are vic tims of historical myopia. Looking westward into Europe much as w e look eastward into Asia, with equal and opposite prejudices built into their col lective psyche by the centuries, they, too, find ancient stereotypes o f hatred, fear or plain mis understanding emerging in times of stress.
Thus, while nothing has infuriated them so much in the Cyprus crisis as Western criticism o f Turk ish “ barbarities,” nothing has been more popu larly acceptable, in reply, than to point to Greek “ atrocities.”
Behind the official shock expressed in Ankara at the murder by Greek Cypriotes of the American Ambassador in Nicosia in August, there was some thing like a thrill o f popular satisfaction that the Greeks had shown the world so convincingly that they— and not the Turks— were the real “ barbari ans.”
At a more exalted level, the Turks have claimed repeatedly that their actions in Cyprus were dic tated by humanitarian motives and that the only reason for Western criticism was what the Premier, Bulent Ecevit, called “ the W est’s sentimental weak ness about the Greeks.”
But in this obsession with Western pro-Hellenic sentiment and their eager- (Continued on Page 51)
Past or present? Kemal Atatürk (center), a military hero who founded Turkish democracy, and (clockwise from top left): A ttila the Hun, who was no villain to the Turks, a harem woman, Prem ier Bülent Ecevit and a Turkish commander in Cyprus. A paradoxical history seems to repeat itself in the mosaic o f modem Turkey.
Continued from Page 48
ness to portray themselves as reasonable and civilized people, the Turks are expres sing not just a long-standing resentment about Western at titudes but, fa r more pro foundly, a sense o f confusion about themselves. It is a confusion that is rooted in a kind o f national inferior ity complex vis-à-vis the West in general; it has dogged them ever since the years o f Otto man decline when, by de grees, the old Turkish Empire was halted, thrown back and finally humiliated by the ap parently invincible advance o f contemporary Western culture and power.
But the key to the confu sion now is that the modem republic of Turkey, bom out o f the Ottoman ruins after W orld W a r I, took that sense of inferiority as its guide to national policy and resolved, through the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, to remake both the state and the people in the “ superior” W est ern image and apply fo r full- scale membership in the W est ern club.
A t bottom, this extraordin ary endeavor is what much of contemporary Turkish life and politics are still about and Ataturk’s shadow broods, almost literally, over every twist and turn o f the road to its fulfillm ent Nearly 40 years after his death, his pic ture is still Turkey’s universal icon. Impeccably clad in W est ern white tie and tails, faded to a hazy blue by heat and time, he gazes down incon- grously, in countless village stores, upon the pickled olives -and the yogurt. In every bank and Government office, it is he, not the Pre mier or the President o f the day, who invariably has pride o f place upon the walls.
It is entirely characteristic o f Turkish thralldom to his memory that his statue has just become the first official addition to the adornments of Kyrenia, the little Greek port on the northern shore o f Cy prus that is now one o f the prizes o f the Turkish occupa tion there.
It is, indeed, impossible "to understand Turkey now with out grasping something of what Ataturk set his hand to. His concept o f Turkey’ s fu ture was, when you think about it, breathtaking in its sweep fo r it implied changing practically everything that the nation had stood for. The lion o f Islam would have to lie down with the Iamb o f Chris
tendom, the multinational em pire o f the Ottomans would have to be remade as a
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contained nation-state, the autocracy o f the Sultans would have to be replaced by par liamentary democracy. Tur key, in short, would have to become what Atatürk himself described as “ civilized" — Western in form, habits and aspirations instead o f char acteristically Oriental.
The famous reforms of what came to be called “ Kemalism” were all part o f this strangely paradoxical process: a demo cratic system imposed by the army; a secular Constitution instead o f a traditional, Mos lem one; Islamic laws replaced by a civil code based on—o f all things— Swiss experience; the Arabic script replaced by the Latin alphabet; the Chris tian Sunday weekend instead o f the Moslem day o f prayers on Friday; even the fez o f Islam cast out and the flat cloth cap o f the Western worker stuck in its place.
Ataturk’s energy and ex ample certainly lifted Turkey out o f the rut o f decadence in which the Ottoman Empire had been set, but to many people his policies seemed to jeopardize the nation’s iden tity and the attempt to en force so comprehensive a revolution from above left deep rifts everywhere. Intel lectuals, city dwellers and en thusiastic army officers, al ready impressed by Western power and culture, were set against the peasant majority which remained faithful to Islam— and many a bust o f Atatürk has been defaced in irate reaction.
Ordinary people were even cut o ff from much o f their own written culture, fo r the translation o f traditional Turk ish literature into the Latin alphabet is still incomplete. And though Turkey was made officially a secular state, it remains today the only one in Europe with an almost entir ely Moslem population— and the only, state in the Moslem world in which Islam is not recognized as the state re ligion.
A legacy o f such confusion might seem damaging to the memory o f most statesmen. But Atatürk was more than a revolutionary, he was also an authentic national hero. As a young army officer, he made his name in the fierce Turkish resistance to the British in vasion o f Gallipoli in 1915-16. But his apotheosis came in 1922 when, at the nadir o f Turkish fortunes, with half of Anatolia occupied by Greek armies and Greek expansion ists intent upon seizing Con stantinople, he assumed the leadership o f the Turkish peo ple, proclaimed what amounted
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swept the Greeks at Smyrna to the most crushing defeat
they had ever suffered.
As the hammer o f the
Greeks, Mustafa Kemal was a hero to every Turk, but, in the memory o f his great vic tory, the social and political tensions aroused by his re forms were often overlooked. The underlying paradox was inescapable: Turkey was try ing to recapture, under Ata- turk’s shadow, a sense o f na tional pride and independence by thrusting aside much that was most deeply Turkish. In the Cyprus crisis 50 years later, this inverted national ism discovered an escape valve and the current Premier, Bulent Ecevit, found himself rocketed to stardom, like Ata- turk himself, by becoming the successful hammer o f the Greeks and appealing thereby to the most atavistic o f all Turkish emotions.
In many ways it would be hard to image a less likely figure to inherit Ataturk’s mantle than Bulent Ecevit (pronounced Bi-LANT AA-ja- vit). A relative late-comer to national leadership, he was probably better known re cently as a poet, translator and former political journalist than as a politician. Educated at an American foundation in Ankara called Robert College, and later at Harvard, he was once described by an Ameri can diplomat as "to o nice a guy fo r the hurly-burly o f politics” ; in a system domin
ated fo r so long by the mili tary ethos attached to Ata turk’s memory, Ecevit’s wholly civilian and largely intellec tual image still seem strangely out o f place.
Moreover, although he in herited the secular, reforming ideas o f Kemalism along with the leadership o f the Republi can People’s party (R.P.P.) which Ataturk himself had founded, he has always be longed to the left wing o f the party. A stanch social demo crat and an old admirer of Germany’s W illy Brandt, he has many friends who are quasi-Marxists o f one shade or another and his own pub lished works include titles like “ Left to Center” and “ The System Must Change.” In spite of— or because o f— his American educational background, his attitude to ward the United States has the characteristic ambivalence and suspicion o f most Euro pean intellectuals— a fact that has contributed to misgiving among senior Turkish Army officers whose own Kemalism has a conservative, strongly anti-Marxist flavor and whose (Continued on Page 58)
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Continued from Page 55 relations with the United States have usually remained close.
Even as leader o f the R.P.P. Ecevit’s political base was un til a few weeks ago severely limited. He came to power last January, at the age o f 48, by the skin o f his teeth. It was a time when nearly three years o f barely disguised mil itary rule had ended in poli tical deadlock. A t elections in the previous October, no party gained an over-all majority, and fo r 100 days Turkey was without a Government, as pol iticians wheeled and dealed in an effort to put together a viàble coalition. Ecevit finally did the trick— but only at the cost of harnessing his secular, social democratic and Kemal- ist R.P.P. to the anti-Kemalist, Islamic fundamentalism o f the National Salvation Party— the joining, in other words, of more or less moderate parlia mentary socialism with ram pant Turkish Qaddafism. On this rickety patchwork horse of government, Ecevit rode out, amid increasingly power ful political and social cross currents and at imminent peril of his political life.
His first problem was the economy. More than any other country in the Western al liance, Turkey suffers from all the chronic problems of underdevelopment. Both in town and country, prosperity o f any kind— except fo r a tiny traditional élite— is a novelty. New visitors to Ankara or Istanbul nowadays m aybe im pressed b y the veneer o f ur ban sophistication that the last decade o f economic growth has created.
But veneer is all it is. Be
hind the new cars and hotels, the chic boutiques and side walk cafes, lie a thousand un paved alleys and a million homes without piped water or sanitation. Even the wealthy in their lovely old wooden gingerbread mansions along the Bosphorus enjoy no regu lar garbage collection. Every morning, when the mist hangs low over the water, their serv ants can be seen tripping to the verandah’ s edge to empty yesterday’s rubbish into the channel, and many a friend ly neighborhood restaurant serves fresh fish— delicious and apparently perfectly harmless— that has fattened on the raw sewage oozing from a thousand pipes.
In the country, the poverty goes deeper. Ten years ago you could have driven from end to end o f Turkey, from Istanbul to the Persian bor der, without seeing more than a handful o f farm tractors and not many more private cars. Nor would you, in nearly a thousand miles, have driven on more than 200 or 300 miles of properly surfaced roads. Even now, although the trac tor and the cooperative com bine are beginning to replace the horse cart and the scythe, most o f Turkey’s peasants still live far from a modem motor road and their lives re volve around a few acres o f com, a grove o f olive trees or a herd of goats, with days spent in idle contemplation— and chronic underemployment — in the village coffee shop.
It is from this life o f inbred isolation that so many Turk ish youngsters have escaped in recent years to the cities o f their own country o r to Germany and beyond, one of
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‘There was a nagging feeling among
Turks that they had become little
more than stooges of a Western
world to which they had once freely
offered their loyalty and their strength.’
the most familiar sights of any Turkish village now is that o f the young man with his tin suitcase climbing aboard the local dolmus— the service taxi— amid a crowd of wailing women in head scarves, as he sets o ff on the great adventure.
When the inflation rate rose above 20 per cent a year or two ago and soaring world oil prices imposed new bur dens on an economy heavily dependent on imported fuel, Turkey’s currency quickly fal tered and its new growth was threatened. So when Ecevit came to power in January, he was confronted at once, in acute form, with the same de pressing question as so many other current political leaders: How to cut back without pro voking immediate social pro test?
He could take no liberties with the peasants because they provided the backbone o f support not only for the right-wing opposition parties in Parliament whose combined strength outnumbered his own, but also fo r his coali tion partner. Nor could he go against his city-based support by cutting back industrial in vestment, or offend his own — and his party's— instincts by renouncing social welfare or by seeking more private foreign investment. Saddled with contradictory demands from the country and conflict ing interests in his coalition, he was in a cleft stick.
His second problem was the army. Since the days o f the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish Arm y has seen itself as the only true keeper o f the flame o f pure democratic Kemal- ism; and fo r the last 15 years especially it has fulfilled that role through repeated inter ventions in the democratic process. In surrendering its indirect power again last year, the army left behind an un happy record o f ruthlessness and torture as well as 4,000 political prisoners. Ecevit
proposed an amnesty last spring, and there were quick rumbles o f military disap proval. This threat was in creased by the defection on the same issue o f nearly half the parliamentary strength of the National Salvation party.
In some ways more social ist than the socialists, with its shrill demands for “ social justice” and widespread state controls, the N.S.P. is at heart a deeply reactionary party. Fanatically nationalist, pro- Moslem and anti-Marxist, it represents all those elements that Kemalism has tried to reform or suppress and N.S.P.’s success last October was more than anything a populist ex pression of peasant frustra tion at the prolonged repres sion o f their traditional Turk ish identity. Apart from its revolt over the political pris oners— characteristic o f its hatred o f the left — its chief contributions to Ecevit’s early months in the Government this year were precisely those that would have won most approval from Libya’s Colo nel Qaddafi— or, for that matter, the late, unlamented Greek colonels, with whose sternly moralistic version o f “ Christianity” the N.S.P.’s Is lamic outlook has much in common. They included the removal from public gaze of a nude female statue in Istan bul, the lengthening o f sev eral inches to the skirts o f all policewomen and the vocif erous condemnation o f long haired men and hippies.
In the Cyprus crisis, it was also the most hawkish o f all the Turkish parties. It dis puted Ecevit’s policy o f main taining an independent Cyprus and insisted on im mediate outright partition o f the island, or even its whole sale annexation by Turkey. It was on this issue, ostensibly, that Ecevit briefly resigned his Premiership in September, to thrust the N.S.P. tactically into a comer, rid himself o f their incubus in his coalition
TREASURED COLLECTOR’S ITEM AND HOLIDAY GIFT:
The Franklin Mint’s annual Christmas Ingots have been highly treasured by collectors ever since the first one was issued four years ago.
Now, for the first time. The Franklin Mint is making available, directly to the public, its new 1974 Sterling Silver Christmas Ingot in a special edition.
Each 1974 Christmas Ingot, in the special edition, will contain 500 grains of solid sterling silver— more
than one troy ounce— and will be struck with The Franklin Mint’s flawless gem PROOF finish. The design for the ingot is an original work of art, "The Snowman,” created by the distinguished American sculptor James Ponter.
A MEMORABLE GIFT. The 1974 Christmas Ingot makes a unique holiday gift for family, friends or busi ness associates. A gift of beauty and charm. A gift of distinction and enduring value. The cost of each 500- grain solid sterling silver proof ingot is $14. A deluxe presentation case is included. All ingots will be deliv ered in time for Christmas giving.
LIMITED EDITION. The total number of ingots pro duced will be exactly equal to the number ordered by November 10, 1974. After these ingots have been minted, the dies will be destroyed so that the 1974 Christmas Ingot can never be produced again. Thus, its rarity will be assured forever.
Also available at selected Franklin Mint dealers.
© 1974 FM ~ ~
--- O RDER F O R M
---1974 FRANKLIN MINT CHRISTMAS INGOT
Orders must be postmarked by November 10,1974
The Franklin Mint
Franklin Center. Pennsylvania 19091
Please send me the 1974 Christmas Ingots I have indicated: 500-arain sterlina silver inaots (a) $14. each...
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______ 03-38 }
A battlefield in the poppy crisis. Turkey refuses to stop growing poppies, which make their way to the United States as heroin.
and prepare for new elections, probably in December, in which he might turn his new status as a national hero into overwhelming support at the polls.
Y e t the nature of the Na tional Salvation party’s ap peal should not be under estimated. Besides its theolog ical morality and national ex pansionism, it is also categorically anti-Western in its foreign policy, rejecting such encumbrances at NATO and the Common Market, as w ell as American military bases in Turkey, and demand ing that the nation seek a more independent, Eastern and Islamic identity again.
On the other hand, the Marxist left has also exploited Turkish impatience with Western ties, inveighing against NATO and “ Western imperialism” in general and especially against the alleged threat to Turkish safety and territorial integrity posed by the presence of American nu clear weapons on Turkish soil. Although not many Turks are willing to go all the way with such arguments— for suspicion o f Russian .expan sionism is bred as deep into Turkish bones as ambivalence toward the West— there are few who do not feel some resentment about the long, postwar domination of American power and Western interests.
Those with longer mem ories recall the embarrass ment o f previous Turkish Governments about the use of Turkish airfields fo r unau
thorized American spy flights over Russia. More recently, Turks remember, with mingled astonishment and disapproval, Dr. Kissinger’s obvious irritation at their refusal o f allow the use of Turkish air space fo r the re supply o f Israel in last October’s war.
Last spring, as Mr. F.cevit juggled with his perilous coali tion, other issues suddenly came to a head and reinforced the nagging Turkish feeling that they had become little more than stooges o f a West ern world to which they had once freely offered their loyal ty and their strength. The first issue was the affa ir o f the opium poppies. Back in 1971, when America was still on the rack in Vietnam and drug addiction seemed a growing national peril, Washington persuaded the Turkish Gov ernment to curb the tradi tional opium growing on the Anatolian uplands. Last year, sweetened by the offer o f $35- million compensation, the Turks agreed to ban it alto gether in the hope o f killing o ff the heroin trade carried on through the notorious French connection.
From America’s point of view, it was a reasonable plan. For Turkey, however, the ben efits w ere less clear, especially at a time o f growing economic stress. The left wing found another cause in the plight of 100,000 peasants allegedly thrown out o f work at Amer ica’ s behest and many an up right Turkish soldier, farmer or businessman demanded to
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Turkish imprimatur: Soldiers erecting a statue o f the legendary Ataturk in form erly Greek- Cypriote Kyrenia. The little port on northern Cyprus is one o f the prizes o f Turkish occupation.
know why Turks should suf fer in their Innocent livelihood' because o f American deca dence. So when Ecevit an nounced in March that poppy growing would be resumed, he had a ready-made popular issue; and when Washington responded with ill-concealed anger and threats to suspend American arms supplies, it only inflamed Turkish nation- ist resentment.
A second issue came still closer to Turkish hearts: it was the Greek Government’s assumption that the Aegean Sea was, in effect, a Greek lake and its consequent claim to all the seabed rights in oil exploration. T o be fair to the Greeks, they had a good case under existing international law, fo r the accidents o f his tory have left the Turkish coast ringed by a multitude of Greek islands— relics o f that long, sea-borne Greek dias pora that goes back to classi cal times. But to the Turks, that was evidence only of the law ’s inadequacy; and when the military Government in Athens pursued its claims with customary arrogance, and when repeated Turkish protests were ignored, tem
pers simmered dangerously in Ankara. Discreet cooling noises from Turkey’s Western allies only made ordinary Turks more impatient.
“ What do you think we are?” asked one o f my oldest Turkish friends in June, tak ing me in his irritation fo r a representative specimen of “ Western” man. “ A lot o f god damn pushovers? I f we want to go to war, w e’ll damn well go to war. And, in my opinion, it’ s time w e did!”
It was in that mood that the Cyprus crisis burst again upon the Turks in July, with the results that the world knows. Politically, the crisis was a godsend fo r Ecevit, en abling him suddenly to focus all the accumulating cross currents o f introspective bloody-mindedness and uncer tainty about Greece, the W est and Turkey’ s destiny upon the single most emotional nation al issue o f them all— the pro tection o f fellow Turks from Greek oppression. When he sent the troops into Cyprus, he restored a sense of na tional pride. When he ordered them to advance a second time, in defiance o f interna tional pressures to desist, and
YOU HAVEN’T TASTED SPAGHETTI
U N T IL YOU’VE HAD IT
COOKED IN A PAPER BAG.
U n le ss y o u ’ve been to the Trattoria d iC ic c io in A m alfi, y ou d o n ’t k n o w h o w spaghetti sh ou ld taste.
First, C ic c fo m akes a sau ce w ith clam s an d olives. N e xt, he bo ils som e spaghetti. T h e n h e puts both thin gs into a p a p er bag, folds it shut and heats it in an oven.
W h a t c o m e s out o f that p a p er ba g is n ’t ju st spaghetti w ith sau ce o n it. B u t spaghetti w ith sau ce in it.
T h e fo o d is s o g o o d in C ic c io ’s, you alm ost forget to look out the w in d o w at o n e o f the m ost in c re d ib le coast lines in the w orld . Am alfi.
A litalia is the only a irlin e fly in g exclu sively 7 4 7 s n on -stop fro m N e w York to R om e a n d M ilan.
A n d , w e h ave alm ost 50 d ifferen t to u rs o f Italy leaving fro m N e w York, Boston an d P h ilad elph ia. S o m e o f w h ic h in c lu d e A m alfi.
W h a t ’s m ore, there is n ’t a sch edu led a irlin e in the w o rld that can beat o u r n e w lo w fares to Italy.
F or m o re inform ation , call an expert, y o u r travel agent. H e can h e lp plan y o u r trip a n d m ake all a rra n g e m ents fo r y o u com pletely fre e o f ch arge. O r call Alitalia.
/Ilitalia’s Italy
A ll you ever dreamed of.
A n d more.
divided the island along the so-called Attila line, he was hailed as the new Ataturk.
Identity Still Unknown
Where, after all, is Turkey heading now, East or West? Who w ill win its tug of war between Western aspirations and Eastern instincts, between NATO loyalties and Turkish interests.
First, just as Ataturk had to straddle a contradiction be tween his modernizing pol icies and the traditional sup port for his success against the Greeks, so Ecevit is sus pended in potential conflict between his rational political aims and the emotional up surge of nationalism he has generated by his Cyprus tri umph. As a thoroughly “ W est ern” sort of leader at the head o f a party with an increasing ly “ Western” style, he is in tune with the vaguely left- wing social and economic pol icies that are now widely ac ceptable throughout Europe. Although his party is still in a minority in Parliament, its vote in last year’s elections showed a substantial gain over earlier performances.
suggesting that the modern drift from the country to the towns— or to the cities of Western Europe, where a half million Turks are now at work — is having the same effect as in many other developing countries of raising expecta tions and heightening political awareness.
So Ecevit may calculate that he is riding a rising na tional tide which will con tinue to favor those principles of modernization and reform that Ataturk inaugurated. But Turkish emotion over Cyprus is of a totally different order, confirming the emergence of a specifically Turkish nation alist renaissance in which the country’s older, instinctive loy alties are sometimes united with and sometimes opposed to Ecevit’s own rational for mulations. Even if Ecevit does secure an undisputed majority in the new elections, he can not ignore such deep emo tions. Nor, probably, will he want to, for in the current era o f détente and superpower stand-off, nationalism for Tur key has growing attractions— and other countries nearby have already shown how it may be exploited. There is no
‘Visitors to Ankara or Istanbul
may be impressed by the veneer of
urban sophistication. But veneer
is all it is. Behind the new cars
and hotels, the chic boutiques and
sidewalk cafes lie a thousand
unpaved alleys and a million homes
without piped water or sanitation.’
largest NATO standing armj after the United States, it alsc doubt, for example,
Turkish actions in Cyprus have been influenced both by Israel’s past success in ignor ing externa! pressures in her dealings with the Arabs and by the Arab demonstration in last October’s war of how a long and frustrating diplo matic deadlock may be broken by bold military action ir de fiance o f the superpowers.
The Greek gesture in leav ing NATO in disgust over America’s alleged partiality fo r Turkey is also relevant. By underlining Turkey’s supe rior strategic value to the al liance, both as the sovereign power of the Black Sea straits
enhances the Turkish bargain ing position both with her al lies and the Soviet Union.
This, in turn, suggests a fa tal weakness in the latest United States Congressional threats to suspend mili tary aid to Turkey because of its use in Cyprus. The last such threat, over the opium poppy issue, really had no perceptible effect except to inflame Turkish feelings. This new one may appease Ameri can politicians who see yet another former client state be having in ways they do not
approve, but it is hardly cal culated to change Turkish pol icies— except perhaps in the direction of greater independ ence and closer relations with the neighboring Arab world, and possibly with the Soviet Union.
A deep suspicion of the So viet Union remains in many Turkish quarters, from the peasantry to the senior ranks of the armed forces. But there is also an awareness that the Soviet Union needs Turkey’s acquiescence, if not her friend ship, to maintain passage for her ships through the straits to the Mediterranean— easily the most important of her sea borne outlets.
A t the s&Ttw» time, the value to the Western p o v im o f Turkish bases may be dimin ishing. There is a growing be lief that permanently sited, land-based nuclear weapons, for instance, are a military nonsense as w ell as a political liability and in the event of full-scale nuclear war few strategists would expect to see the U.S. Sixth Fleet left in the Mediterranean for longer than it takes to steam through the Straits o f Gibraltar into
C O N E T O SICILY A N D BE
EM BARRASSED BY A FOUNTAIN.
Rom e has B e rn in i ’s F ou n tain o f the T riton, 3 fou n tain s in the P ia z za N a v o n a and o f cou rse, the F ou n tain o f Trevi.
But only Pale rm o has the F ountain o f Sham e. T h e nakedness o f the statues is lifelike a n d sensual. B u t even m o re o b v io u s is the affection som e o f the statues have fo r each other.
T h e F ountain o f Sham e, like everyth in g else in Sicily, is a little bit d ifferen t than w h at y o u ’ll fin d in the rest o f Italy.
A litalia is the on ly a irlin e flyin g exclu sively 747’s non-stop fro m N e w Y ork to R om e a n d M ilan .
A n d w e have alm ost 50 d ifferen t tours o f Italy leaving fro m N e w York, B oston a n d Philadelph ia. A ll o f w h ic h can be co m bin e d w ith a stay in Sicily.
W h a t ’s m ore, there is n ’t a sch edu led a irlin e in the w o rld that can beat o u r n e w lo w fares to Italy.
F or m o re inform ation , call y o u r travel agent. H e can help plan y o u r trip a n d m a k e all arran gem en ts fo r you com pletely fre e o f charge. O r call Alitalia.
/Ilitalia’s Italy
A ll you ever dreamed of.
A n d more.
Under their own new flag: Turkish-Cypriote girls in Nicosia.
the open waters o f the A t lantic.
N or does Turkey’s role in NATO seem to have much sig nificance fo r the possible “ re gional” conflicts o f which Western, and especially Amer ican, military planners have made so much until now. Cyprus was a regional con flict par excellence, but there was nothing NATO could do to prevent it. N or was Turkey willing to be drawn into sup port o f America’s role last year in the equally regional conflict between Israel and the Arabs. A fter these tw o experiences, it is far more likely, if there are to be more regional conflicts o f this kind, that they w ill be settled by the regional powers; and it is significant that Turkey has al ready begun to plan a separate national strike force outside NATO ’s framework.
W ith Arab power waxing steadily on the prospects of the Middle Eastern oil indus try, the resurgence o f Islamic feeling in Turkey w ill probab ly be maintained. Even before '\d Cyprus crisis, there were clear signs that the new Gov ernment was ready to follow the National Salvation party some o f the w ay in this. For the first time in modem
urkish history, it sent a Cab- * minister to a summit ig o f Islamic countries
in Lahore. During the crisis, this new sympathy was ex tended to practical matters, through some quick horse- dealing with Turkey’s Arab neighbors to ensure continuity o f oil supplies in case the United States tried to cut o ff fueL Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia all guaranteed oil and Libya’s Colonel Qaddafi, en thused as ever by what he took to be an Islamic cause, is believed to have supplied ammunition and military spare parts as well.
In short, a sense o f grow ing independence has already taken root in Turkey, and seems likely to grow, fed by opportunity as w ell as nation al instinct. At a superficial level, it may appear to be nothing more than a reflec tion o f the instability common to many countries as they haul themselves out o f tradi tional poverty toward the comparative affluence o f our Western world. But in Turkey it goes deeper, to tap the roots o f people’s whole iden tity. “ Barbarians” the Turks know very w ell they are not — at least, no more than most other people. But what are they? That’s what the Turks are now trying to discover-— and a disturbing process it may w ell be, to the Western world as w ell as to them selves, fo r many years tc come. ■
You can help save
Doan Thi Yen
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D r you can
turn the page.
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She’s only seven,
but Doan Thi has already seen war, her home destroyed,
her father killed.
Now peace has come to her hamlet. To her family’s little tin-roofed house. Her mother works an acre of rented rice field. Her crop supplies the basic diet for her family of six and a weekly income of $6. She is determined to keep Doan Thi in school because she knows the importance of an education. But Doan Thi will have to sacrifice her education to help support her family.
If Doan Thi grows up illiterate she will never escape from poverty. You can help a child like Doan Thi to escape. For just $15 a month, you can sponsor a youngster through Save the Children Federation in many countries around the world and here at home. And a portion of your $15, combined with money from other sponsors, can help all the people in her ham let To keep the children in school. Buy water pumps, crop sprayers and fertilizer to produce more nourish ing rice. Simply stated, to help people help themselves. This is what Save the Children has been all about since 1932.
For you—educated, involved, and in touch with your own heart—there are many rewards. Correspond with a child. Receive a photo and progress reports. Reach out to another human being. T h at’s how Save the Children works. But without you it can’t work. So please: clip this coupon and mail it today, flo w you can turn the page.
Save the Children Federation is indeed proud of the handling o f its funds. An annual report and audit statement are available upon request. R e g istered with the U.S. State Department Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid. Contribu tions are income tax deductible.
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I wish to contribute $15 a month to sponsor a □ boy O g ir l:□ Where the need is most urgent
i I ^ □ Appalachia (U.S.) I n Bangladesh - □ Chicano (U.S.) 1 _ Colombia
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The New York Times Magazine/October 27, 1974
İstanbul Şehir Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi Taha Toros Arşivi
