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THE OTHER OTTOMAN SERHAT IN EUROPE:
OTTOMAN TERRITORIAL EXPANSION IN BOSNIA
AND CROATIA IN FIRST HALF OF 16th CENTURY
Dino Mujadžević *Özet
AVRUPA’DAKİ DİĞER OSMANLI SERHATI: 16. YÜZYILIN İLK YARISINDA BOSNA VE HIRVATİSTAN’DAKİ OSMANLI TOPRAK GENİŞLEMESİ
16. yüzyılda Osmanlıların Avrupa’da ilerleyişi çok sayıda araştırmanın konusu olmuştur. Akademik çalışmalar Osmanlı fetihlerinin başlıca ilerleyiş istikametine yoğunlaşmıştır: Macaristan, Avusturya ve daha az da olsa Polonya. Sadece yerel öneme haiz Osmanlı kuvvetlerinin savaştığı Adriyatik denizi ve günümüz Hırvatistan ve Bosnası arasındaki Drava nehri arasındaki, Osmanlı hududunda askeri ve siyasi gelişmeler büyük ölçüde göz ardı edilmiştir. Bu çalışma, 16. yüzyıl boyunca “daha az” önemli olan bu hududda Osmanlı ilerleyişinin ana güzergâhını ve olaylarını aydınlatmayı ve Osmanlı devletinin bu bölgeye asker sevkine daha fazla yoğunlaşmadığının sebeplerini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Çağdaş Osmanlı yazarlarının ve modern zamanın akademisyenlerinin tarihçilik anlayışına bu bölgeye İstanbul’un ilgi eksikliğinin etkisi de tartışılacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Osmanlı, Bosna, Osmanlı fetihleri Abstract
Ottoman expansion in Europe in the 16. c. has been subject of large body of research. The scholarship concentrated on main direction of Ottoman conquests: Hungary, Austria and to lesser extent Poland. Military and political developments on
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the Ottoman frontier between Adriatic sea and river Drava in today's Croatia and Bosnia, where only Ottoman troops of local significance fought, were largely overlooked. This paper tries to illuminate main directions and events of Ottoman expansion on this frontier of «lesser» importance during the 16. c. and tries to stress main reasons why Ottoman state didn't put more focus on military push in this region. The impact of lack of interest of Istanbul in this region to historiographical representation in works of contemporary Ottoman authors, as well as in modern scholarship are also discussed.
Key Words: Ottomans, Bosnia, Ottoman conquests
One of the major Ottoman studies topics during the long history of this scholarly field is research on Ottoman conquests in Middle Danube region in Central Europe in the 16 century. There are several reasons for it. Hungarian kingdom was the only authentic Western country – in late medieval terms - that was, at least largely, conquered by Ottomans. Much smaller neighbouring Medieval Bosnia, torne by its main division between Heterodox Bosnian Church, Catholicism and Ortodox Christianity, is not taken into account here. The shock of defeat by Muslim Ottomans in plains of Pannonia, attributed very often to divine punishment, was felt very strongly in Catholic and even Protestant West. This gave rise to large body of works about wars against Ottomans - in this part of Central Europe – Hungary and Austria - and Ottomans in general. On the Ottoman side this region attracted the bulk of interest. Since main Ottoman war effort was concentrated in this region, Ottoman historiography itself gave greatest importance to sucesses of Ottoman arms in Danube region, so much that wars in Asia and other parts of Europe remained somewhat in shadow. Ottoman European campaigns of 16. century were in works of Ottoman historians by far and large indentified with warfare in Hungary and Austria. Since the
early 19th century, modern studies of Ottoman military and political
history continued focusing on the Middle Danube region, both in Europe and later in Turkey. To this contributed also the fact that Austrian and Hungarian researchers of Ottoman history and philology were actually pioneers in this field, whose sholarship was much admired and even copied by later generations of Ottomanists.
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Their view of Ottoman conquests and Ottoman serhat remains
dominant even today.1
Nevertheless, the part of the panorama of Ottoman conquests in Europe was sistematically overlooked or, at least, under-researched. The scale and development of Ottoman military involvement in the region between river Drava (border of Hungary proper) and Adriatic sea - roughly contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia -
during the 16th century remains to this day largely unknown to the
Ottoman scholars outside this region. This situation is understandable. Ottoman historiography of Classical period brings also very little about warfare in this region and period and this is also true for Ottoman archival sources. As previously said, Ottoman war effort was by far and large concentrated in Middle Danube area, including large detachements of troops of central goverment and other eyalets. As I plan to demonstrate in full detail later, Ottoman campaigns on this frontier, usually known as Serhat-ı Bosna, were performed by smaller local forces and had no major targets as Buda or Vienna in Middle Danube, so they naturally attracted far lesser attention of Ottoman chroniclers. To be fair, Ottoman historians reported extensively on some early and later epizodes of Ottoman advance in this region: famous fall of Bosnia in 1463 and cathastrophic defeat of Croatian nobility at Battle at Krbava field in and description of terrible Ottoman defeat at Sisak in 1593 by
1 For the best introduction about Ottoman-Hungarian and Ottoman-Habsburg
wars in 16th and 17th centuries. see: Gyula Kaldy – Nagy, 16. Yüzyılda Macaristan'da Türk Yönetimi, Studia Turco-Hungarica I, Budapest, 1974, Caroline Finkel, The administration of warfare: the Ottoman military campaigns in Hungary, 1593–1606,
Beihefte zur Wiener Zeitschrift füir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Bd. 14, Vienna, 1988; Markus Köhbach, Die Eroberung von Fuelek durch die Osmanen 1554. Eine
historisch-quellenkritische Studie zur osmanischen Expansion im oestlichen Mitteleuropa, Wien – Koeln – Weimar - Boehlau, 1994; Claudia Römer, Osmanische Festungsbesatzungen in Ungarn zur Zeit Murāds III., dargestellt an Hand von Petitionen zur Stellenvergabe. Schriften der Balkan-Kommission, Philologische
Abteilung, Bd. 35, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, 1995; Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor (eds.), Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe.
The Military Confines in the Era of Ottoman Conquest, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 2000; Géza
Dávid and Pál Fodor, “Hungarian Studies in Ottoman History”. In: Fikret Adanır and Suraiya Faroqhi (eds.), The Ottomans and Balkans, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 2002, pp. 305-350. For the general bibliography of works dealing with Ottoman expansion on Middle Danube (among other issues) see: Hans-Jürgen Kornrumpf - Jutta Kornrumpf,
Osmanische Bibliographie mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Türkei in Europa, E. J.
Brill, Leiden, 1973; Karl-Heinz Rüttimann, Die Türkei: Systematische Bibliographie:
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Habsburg Croatian/Slavonian troops. But the events of first half of 16. century are reported scarcely. The theater of war between Drava and Adritic sea is, in spite of its smaller strategic significance for Ottoman Empire as a whole, very interesting as it presents Ottoman-Habsburg war from much more intimate and close, but nevertheless bloody, perspective.
By the beginning of 16. c. Ottoman rule extended over almost whole Balkans with northern borders just south of the rivers Sava and Danube. In the next hundred years Ottoman expansion in Europe continued mainly in direction of north-west and west, into the Central Europe. Area of contemporary Croatia and some parts of contemporary Bosnia, still under Christian rule, stood in early 16. c. on the path of the Ottoman advance towards Central Europe, alongide with its bigger, more powerfull and better known northern neighbour, Hungary. Most of the medieval Bosnia was absorbed into
the Ottoman realm in second half of 15th c and this territory became
large material and, due to massive islamization, human resources base for Ottoman akıncı incursions and conquests towards west, i.e. contemporary Croatia, in later decades. At the beginning of this period, most of the area of what is today Croatia consisted of two separate, but historically and linguistically aligned Catholic Christian kingdoms - Croatia and Slavonia, both united under common rule of Hungarian king. Those two kingdoms encompassed territory of contemporary Republic of Croatia and parts of contemporary western Bosnia-Herzegovina, and were separated roughly by river Kupa and mountains east to this river. In addition, some parts of contemporary eastern Croatia were part of territory of mediaeval
Hungary proper – Požega and Srijem counties (županije).2
The person that marked the period of Ottoman expansion in
western Balkans in first half of 16th century, is without a doubt, Gazi
Husrev-beg. During the period 1521-1541 this son of native Bosniak and mother from Ottoman dynasty, was, with some short breaks,
sancakbey of sancak of Bosnia and led or oversaw most of the
2 For the general introduction about Ottoman expansion in Western Balkans
see: Historija naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 2, Prosveta, Beograd-Zagreb, 1961; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, vol. 4-5, Zagreb, 1975; Hazim Šabanović, Bosanski pašaluk,
postanak i upravna podjela, Sarajevo, 1981; Ive Mažuran, Hrvati i Osmansko Carstvo,
Golden Marketing, Zagreb, 1998; Mustafa Imamović, Historija Bošnjaka, Bošnjačka zajednica kulture “Preporod”, Sarajevo, 1998, pp. 103-112, 226-258; Nenad Moačanin, Turska Hrvatska, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1999.
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Ottoman military operations from Bosnia towards west.3 Ottoman
advance towards west from Bosnia started actually a decade earlier under Selim I, after 3 decades in which Ottomans didn't advance in this area. Between 1512-1514 Bosnian Ottoman forces took from Christians forts in northern (Srebrenik) and western (Ključ) Bosnia, but also occupied permanently large parts of southern medieval Croatia and came to the shores of Adriatic. With ascension of Süleyman the Lawgiver to the throne in 1520, Ottomans offensive in Europe started in earnest, and the new Bosnian sancakbey Husrev was one of the major players. Under his leadership Bosnian Ottoman troops, among other sultan's forces, took part in successful siege of Belgrade (1521.) and victory over Hungarian army in battle of Mohács (1526). During the period 1522-1527. Bosnian Ottoman army took almost the whole area of medieval Croatia south of the Velebit mountain – controlling by this access to Venetian coastal towns in Dalmatia – and Croatian regions of Lika and Krbava. The heart, as well as the largest part, of medieval Croatia came under Ottoman rule at that time, and the new sancaks of Klis and Krka were soon formed to be formed. Bosnian Ottoman military sucesses changed political, demographic and economic face of this region. In 1527. last major Christian stronghold in former medieval Bosnia, the fortified town of Jajce, surrendered to Husrev-beg. After this the whole valley of Vrbas came to his control and Bosnian Ottoman army
came to the forntiers of Slavonia on rivers Una and Sava.4
After the Mohács, where Hungarian king died, and other defeats by the armies of the new sultan Süleyman, the Hungary and associated kingdoms of Slavonia and Croatia were in disarray and without king. In 1527. Croatia elected Ferdinand, Habsburg archduke and brother of emperor of Holy Roman Empire Charles V, to the trone in order to recive help from the outside for the mere survival of this kingdom. In Slavonia and Hungary civil war broke out between supporters of Ferdinand and John Zápolya, the other pretender who enlisted help from Ottoman sultan and became his vassal. During the period 1527-1536 Ottomans fought directly against Ferdinand, restoring John Zápolya's power in most parts of Hungary and
3 For the detailed biography of Gazi beg see: Behija Zlatar, Gazi Husrev-beg, Orijentalni institut u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 2010.
4 Seid M. Traljić, “Husrevbegov boravak i rad u Dalmaciji”, Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, vol. 5-6, Sarajevo, pp. 7-21; Mustafa Imamović, Historija Bošnjaka,
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besieging unsucessfully Ferdinand's capital Vienna twice. Husrev-beg joined in with Bosnian forces during Ottoman unsuccessful campaign against Vienna in 1532-33. Ottoman advance towards Croatia and Slavonia was halted in this period, but incursions and «low intensity conflict» persisted. But, by the 1536 Ferdinand grew stronger and controlled also Slavonia and roughly one third of Hungary, so the Ottomans were compelled to intervene to curb Ferdinand's power. Husrev-beg led Bosnian Ottoman army in 1536 in expedition to other side of river Sava, where he helped Ottoman troops from Seminderne (Smederevo) sancak under command of Mehmed-beg Jahjapašić during the campaign to crush the Christian resistance in former Požega county (županija), which now became sancak Požega. His Bosnian troops even took the city Požega itself. This became foundation of Bosnian influence in the Požega sancak, which saw many administrators, timarlik holders and other population, both Christian and Muslim, coming in large numbers from sancak of Bosnia, the pillar of Ottoman military, demographic and cultural influence in Western Balkans. After securing borders of sancak of Bosnia to the north, Husrev-beg immediately turned to the southern flank. During 1537 and 1538 he crushed last Habsburg pockets of resistance in former medieval kingdom of Croatia in immediate hinterland of Venetian Dalmatia – forts Klis, Nadin and Vrana – consolidating Ottoman power there for the next hundred years. In this area only Dalmatian islands and coastal towns (Zadar, Šibenik, Split) remained under Christian, i. e. Venetain control. In 1540 he also took the control over the fort of Dubica in Una valley paving the way for Ottoman penetration towards heart of medieval Slavonia - Zagreb. This was his last sucess on this front and he died next year, ending by that one of the most important – but often overlooked
-periods in history of Ottoman Bosnia.5
After Husrev-beg's death in 1541 Ottoman advance was only temporarily stopped and his immediate successor at post of
sancakbey of Bosnia, Ulama-beg, launched in 1543 a successful
offensive against Slavonian Habsburg troops - together with Husrev-beg's kethüda Murat-beg Tardić, who became sancakbey of Požega in 1541 - in area west of Požega. Ulama-beg in 1550 went on to become
sancakbey of Požega and continued Ottoman conquest of mediaeval
Slavonian territory between rivers Drava and Sava. After he took
5 Seid M. Traljić, “Husrevbegov boravak i rad u Dalmaciji”, pp. 7-21; Behija
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important towns of Čazma and Virovitica 1552, new Ottoman sancak called Začasna was formed. The formation of Začasna sancak was the
last Ottoman advance in the region between Drava and Sava.6 Much
southern, between Sava and Adriatic Ottoman advance continued in Una and Kupa vallies for next fourty years, but Ottoman successes were not spectacular as before. Finally, after the defeat and death of Bosnian vali Hasan-paša at Sisak in 1593, Ottoman conquests in Western Balkans were finally checked. Habsburg and Venetian counterattacks in period between 1594 and 1718 reduced Ottoman presence in Western Balkans to present day Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia (south of Sava and Danube) and Montenegro and resulted in
disappearence of Ottoman population and heritage in these areas.7
Under military leadership of Husrev-beg, who was later named by Bosniaks the «Gazi» and is considered as the greatest hero and benefactor of the country, Ottoman Bosnia came out its territorial nutshell, which was created under Mehmed II. Fatih, and became largest military power, so to speak, in Western Balkans in first half of
16th c. The military operations led by Husrev-beg and other Bosnian
sancakbeys and commanders in this area had little or no support
from forces of central Ottoman goverment, and only forces of neighbouring sancaks, primarily Seminderne, joined occasionally, as the case of conquest of Požega testifies. These forces were relatively small and underequipped and very only matching the scarse Christian Croatian-Slavonian military forces. According to western sources Bosnian Ottoman forces that besieged Klis in 1537, which was the major operation of Bosnian Ottoman army around that time, were numbering 8 000 men. Other campaigns against lesser Christian strongholds were fougth with lesser number of troops. In comparison Ottoman army that participated in campaign against Hungary in 1526 numbered 55 000 men and the Ottoman troops that were sent against Vienna in 1529 numbered, at least, 120 000 soldiers! These troops consisted of numerous detachment from almost all eyalets of Empire and troops under command of central government, which were never or almost never deployed in Western Balkans.
6 For biography of Ulama-beg see: Dino Mujadžević, “Osmanska osvajanja u
Slavoniji 1552. u svjetlu osmanskih arhivskih izvora”, Povijesni prilozi, vol. 28, Zagreb, 2009, pp. 89-107.
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Ottoman historiography of Classical Age was, curiously enough, not very much intersted in relatively great succeses of Bosnian Ottoman arms in area between Drava and Adriatic in first half of 16. c.. Even the Gazi Husrev-beg – famous in Bosnia itself – never received much attention by Ottoman narrative sources. Events of this era and area were reported relatively rarely and without any depth. Moreover, some of the most important reports are actually taken from Western sources! Some of the stories presented by Ottoman historians are not very reliable. Probably the best example for treatment of serhat-ı Bosna by classical Ottoman historiography is
early 17. c. monumental work by Ibrahim Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi.8 He
was the native of neighbouring Ottoman Hungary, but also had Bosnian Muslim roots and was very much keen to celebrate Ottoman
Bosnian successes. Nevertheless, by his time, late 16th and early 17th
not much of Gazi Husrev-beg era was preserved by earlier authors or oral history to be transmitted to further generations. Other contemporary authors write even less about this region in early 16. c. Peçevi mainly concentrates to short descriptions of conquests of only several towns or forts mentioned by name: i.e. Skradin on Adriatic in
1521/229 or Ilok, Erdut and Osijek in 1526.10 Bosnian sancakbey
Husrev-beg was briefly mentioned in context of fall of Jajce in 152711
and fall of Klis 1537 and some other towns in hinterland of
Dalmatia.12 It seems that Peçevi used some earlier Ottoman
chronicles for these reports, probably Künhü-l-Ahbar by Mustafa Ali of Gelibolu.
Ottoman conquest of Požega in 1537 under leadership of Mehmed-beg Jahjapašić, Gazi Husrev-beg and Murat-beg Tardić and unsuccesfull large Habsburg counterattack that year recieved much more attention by Peçevi. Having very only very limited data on these events from Ottoman sources, he apparently used extensively
8 For the life and work of Ibrahim Peçevi see: Franz Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke, 1923, pp. 192-195; Fehim
Nametak, Predgovor, In: Ibrahim Alajbegović Pečevija, Historija (Bosnian translation of Tarih-i Peçevi), vol. 1, El-Kalem, Sarajevo, 2000, pp. 5-14.; Dino Mujadžević, “İbrahim Pečevija (1574. - 1649.). Osmanski povjesničar Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine podrijetlom iz Pečuha”, Scrinia Slavonica, vol. 9, Slavonski Brod, 2009, pp. 379-394.
9 Ibrahim Alajbegović Pečevija, Historija, vol. 1, pp. 79-80. 10 Ibrahim Alajbegović Pečevija, Historija, vol. 1, p. 89. 11 Ibrahim Alajbegović Pečevija, Historija, vol. 1, p. 126. 12 Ibrahim Alajbegović Pečevija, Historija, vol. 1, pp. 172-173.
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Western sources (küffar tarihleri, kefere böyle yazmışlar), for this episode, most probably Hungarian historian Miklosz Istvánffy. Description of epizode of 1537 distinguishes itself by many details about Habsburg side, usually not present in Ottoman narrative sources, which during that period stereotypically concentrate on Ottoman side of the events. Even the description of Ottoman warlord Mehmed-beg Jahjapašić is given according to Western sources: he was, according to them greatest enemy of Christians who shed so much Christian blood, that he was even sick after he ordered murder of a group of Christian prisoners after defeating them in vicinity of
Požega.13
Ottoman archival sources bring very little information on Ottoman conquests between Drava and Adriatic during early 16.c.
Tahrir and other defters are no help due to the sort of information
they provide. Archival sources that depict warfare – royal decrees (fermans) and its summaries, so called mühimme defters – and could be valuable for this sort of research are virtually non existent for this period. Earliest preserved mühimme defters date back to 1552 and could be only helpful for research of Ulama-beg's campaign against Virovitica and Čazma in summer of 1552. Due to scarcity of both Ottoman narrative and archival sources for student of Ottoman
campaigns in first half of 16th c. in this area contemporary Western
sources, which are more abundant, are indispensable. With Ottoman sources alone we wouldn't be able to build a coherent picture of
Ottoman military inolvement in this crucial period.14
As previously stated, Ottoman leadership saw no reason to invest heavily into military conquest of area between Drava and Adriatic Sea since there were no prized political targets such as Hungarian capital Buda or Austrian Vienna and other centers of population, which was subject of numerous Ottoman legends as kızıl
elma and seen as Empire's main target. The region between river
Drava and Adriatic sea had lesser population than its northern neigbours. Also the terrain of Western Balkans was rough – especially Dinarid mountains – with weak road infrastructure and it was far more difficult to transport men and equippement in this area than in Pannonian plains of Hungary, which also had Danube as important mean of transportation. These is probably the reason why
13 Ibrahim Alajbegović Pečevija, Historija, vol. 1, pp. 177-178.
14 For mühimme defters of 1552. see Dino Mujadžević, “Osmanska osvajanja u
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Ottoman Bosnians never attempted to besiege heavily fortified Dalmatian towns on Adriatic coast nor to land on eastern Adriatic islands, which were defendended by Venetians. They were not as important as northern regions and access to them was too costly.
Ottoman invasion in first half of 16. c., directed and executed mainly from neighbouring Ottoman ruled Bosnia under Gazi Husrev-beg, led to loss of roughly half of territory of what is now Croatia to Ottomans. In addition to massive loss of human life and material devastations, famine and massive emigration were omnipresent during the wartime years, especially in the regions near the always changing Ottoman-Christian demarcation line. During this period, large parts of Catholic native population fled or were resettled by their feudal lords from eastearn parts of contemporary Croatia that were about to be taken over by Ottomans. Ottoman authorities arrranged for the newly conquered, but often deserted, regions of Croatia to be settled by Muslim and Christian Catholic and Ortodox population from other parts of Ottoman Empire. Similarly territories that remained under Christian rule were populated by new Christian immigrants, mostly fleeing before the Ottoman advance or coming directly from Ottoman territory. Many people were enslaved during Ottoman Bosnian campaigns – according to some estimates, as much as 8% of population of Bosnia’s largest town Sarajevo was of slave origin in 1528. This led to tectonic political, ethno-religious, cultural and linguistical changes. Migrations of Christian population, either fleeing from Ottoman army or rule, either as a result of Ottoman state policy of resettlement, besides its influence on creating and spreading of some ethnic and religous identities, left one other lasting blueprint. That was mixing of different ethnic identities in relatively small area. Probably, nowhere in Europe so many ethnic and religous groups co-existed, for better or for worse, as in Western parts of Balkans during Ottoman rule. Beside the fact that Muslims, Christians and Jews coexisted freely, but sometimes uneasily, it is worth noting that different Christian ethno-religous communities lived dispersed and mixed. Probably most famous example is territory of Ottoman eyalet Bosnia where two different South Slavic Christian communities, Roman Catholics and Ortodox, since first half of 16. c. have lived largely dispersed all over the area living side by
side.15
15 For overview of these developments see: Noel Malcolm, Bosnia – a short history, Macmillan, London, 1994, p. 67 and passim.
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One of the most striking examples for that process is difference between linguistical situation in Bosnia, Croatia, Montenegro and
Serbia before and after Ottoman conquests in the first half of 16th c.
The most important feature of these changes is large spreading over these areas of neo-štokavski Southern Slavic dialect, largely spoken by Ortodox Vlah population, and paralel spreading of variant of old štokavski dialect, spoken largely by Catholic Vlah population. Vlahs of both Christian denominations replaced lingustically and culturally different Catholic population in largest part of newly conquered territories in first half of 16. century in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia. The older Catholic population left in organized or unorganized fashion for secure places in western Hungary and Austria. Linguistical implication of these events are immense for whole Southern Slavic area. Štokavski dialect in different forms became exclusive language of Ortodox Christians, most of Muslims of South Slavic origin and Catholics of Bosnia and Croatia.
Ottoman conquests in early 16th century, led to deminishing,
territorially and otherwise, of Catholic Christian kingdoms of Croatia and Slavonia, but this also had resulted by ending of political fragmentation in this area. Western parts of medieaval Croatia and Slavonia never came under Ottoman rule, but became nucleus for future Croatian statehood and nationalism precisely because of
Ottoman pressure. As we said, until the early 16th century Croatia and
Slavonia were two separate autonomous dominions – although historically connected – under Hungarian crown, but Ottoman excursions and conquests of parts of their territory led in the first half of 16. century to their political unification due to reasons of defence. Instead of two noble assemblies (sabor) and two viceroys (ban) Croatia and Slavonia had one sabor and one ban. Statehood tradition of what is now Croatia – comprasing Croatia, Slavonia (and Dalmatia) got its crucial features right about this time. Without Ottomans the political situation would stay very different and there would probably be separate statehood traditions/kingdoms: Croatian, Slavonian and even Dalmatian along the coast- and not a
single Croatian!16
16 For history of linguistic and national unification in Croatia see: Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1984.
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