Constructing Immigrant Identities in Consumption: Appearance Among the Turko- Danes
Güliz Ger, Bilkent University
Per 0stergaard, Odense University
ABSTRACT
Understanding the behavior of immigrant consumers is be-coming central to an understanding of increasingly pluralistic global consumption patterns and dynamics. Based on that premise, we explore the consumption of clothes as it shapes and is shaped by identity among Turko-Danish students. We investigate how these second-generation immigrants in Denmark construct and negotiate their identity in their consumption of clothes and how different cultural and subcultural forces are felt and reflected in dress. The research reported examines consumer experiences and meaningsof clothes based on the analysis of interviews, photo albums, and participant observation. Findings about the patterns, strategies, and processes of picking and mixing of appearances offer insighte into consumption among subcultures. Consumption of clothes reflect the negotiation of the contradictions shaped by diverse cultural forces and, especially for females, by the ambiguity and fluidity of contextual appropriateness in divergent private and public con-texts.
We live in an era in which boundaries across national cultures are dissolving and consumers are increasingly seeking and express-ing subcultural, ethnic, and personal identity in consumption. In the multicultural worid, with ¿obal flows of people, money, technol-ogy and information, media images, and ideologies (see Appadurai 1990), cultures encounter more of each other, in person and in the form of each others' products and images. All over the worid, Mexican restaurants, Indian clothes, African jewelry, worid music, and Go expose consumers to the "other" and provide opportunities to cross boundaries through the consumption of the objects of the "other." As people of the globe encounter more of each other, identity, a dynamic challenge of sameness and difference, becomes moreofanissue(seee.g.,Friedman 1994). Amajorencounterwith the "other" is provided by the increasing global flows of people, such as immigrante, across borders. This study is an attempt to understand consumption among immigrants in the globalizing multicultural worid.
Wanted or not, immigrants are crossing borders in increasing numbers and intensifying the global flows of people. They carry cultures, bidirectionally, across borders and foster diversity and hybridization of global consumer cultures. They are caught in-between and move in-in-between two cultures: old and new homes. In that in-between state, maintenance, expression, and visibility of one's immigrant identity may or may not be desirable. Consump-tion of a particular set of goods in a particular pattern personalizes the cultural forces and dynamics. Consumption is at once a personal and a social process—it relates to expressing identity, belonging, and differentiation (see e.g., Belk 1988; Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Haiton 1981; Douglas and Isherwood 1979; Lunt and üvingstone 1992).
However, there has been litUe research on consumption and identity negotiation among the people who move across borders in this increasingly mobile worid. Although there are a few studies of consumer behavior of immigrants and ethnic groups (e.g., Costa and Bamossy 1995; Mehta and Belk 1991; Peñaloza 1994), the understanding of consumption when people cross borders is far from satisfactory. We explore how immigrants establish and
reinforce their selfhood through consumption, in their own unique context and in dealing with the necessary contradictiois, changes, and uncertainties of their lives. We address issues such as how immigranteadaptandacculturate, mask or revive theirrcots, struggle and resist, reconfigure meanings of goods, and, maybe more often, negotiate ambivalence and contradictions by creolization (for creolization in global consumption see Ger and Belk : 996a),
We explore tiie consumption of clothes as it si apes and is shaped by identity among Turko-Danish students. We focus on how the acte and meanings of clothing are experiencec and used in identity negotiation while encountering numerous, sometimes con-tradictory, cultural forces that shape unique clothing nr eanings and experiences. We examine how consumption of clothing serves the construction, reconstruction, maintenance, negotiaton, expres-sion, and making visible or masking of social and persinal identity for second-generation Turkish immigrante in Denmark. As off-springs of working-class and old-country parents, Tjrko-Danish youth face multiple sociocultural forces in family, community, and peer relations, as many immigrants do. We explore these forces experienced and reflected in appearance in the process of construct-ing lives as young and modem TurkoDane males ¡.nd females, members of small Turkish community with roote in a particular rural locale in Turkey and with varied ethnicities, an 1 students or employees in Danish institutions. Based on qualitative data, we discuss how the forces of périphérie immigrant cul tun mingle with the "center" in the consumption of clothes when a young immigrant faces multiple centers (Western, European, Danish, urban Turkish) and peripheries (Danish immigrant, European imn igrant, rural Turkish).
We focus on clothes, which are among the most commonly desired, the most frequently purchased and used consumer goods (Ger and Belk 1996b; Lunt and Livingstone 1992). Dressing is a daily ritual involving the body, which is integral to identity. Clothes are expressive props. They are costumes we put on tc feel the part. We may change identities as we change clothes. Clothes, costumes changed quickly and close to the body, provide a rich ijomd for the study of how consumption shapes and is shaped by identity and how elements of several cultures are used to interpret lunctions and meanings of goods, such as comfort, modesty, and display in the case of dotiies (see Berger 1992; Craik 1994; Davis 1992; Eicher 1995; Lurie 1981; Solomon 1985; Morris 1978; Tiompson and Haytko 1997). Therefore, clothes, so close to the bo<ly, so quickly changed, provide a rich base for the study of how consumption is used in self-construction and reconstruction or in identity negotia-tion in everyday life.
Consumption experiences of those who move and live across borders, in a worid of fluid boundaries, provide a feitile ground to understand increasingly pluralistic global consumption patterns and dynamics. By examining how immigrants, as ci lture carriers, construct their identity through consumption of clothes we aim to enhance the understanding of the nexus of influence:. on consump-tion in the multicultural world and of global izatioti of consumer cultures. Findings about the patterns, strategies, an J processes of picking and mixing of appearances will offer insi ;hts into con-sumption among subcultures and into the cultural processes that affect global consumption. We consider the implications of our
48 Advances in Consumer Research
interpretations for conceptualizations of identity and global con-sumer cultures.
HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT
The informante live in Odense, third largest city (approxi-mately 200,000 inhabitants) in Denmark. Their parente came to Denmarkin the late 1960'sorearlyl970's. Most of the informante were bom in Denmark or were two or three years old when their families migrated to Denmark. Their parente came from rural areas in Turkey, mostly from Çonim, Konya, and Sivas in Central Anatolia and Afyon in Western Anatolia, and are Sunni or Alevi Turks or Kurds. They came as uneducated and unskilled guest workers to do all the "dirty" jobs which the Danes did not want to do at that time with full employement. Most live in the suburb called Vollsmose, inhabited by different ethnic groups from Middle East, Asia, and Africa and low class Danes on social welfare. Vollsmose is one of the main high crime areas in Denmark.Ethnic and regional origins in Turkey and level of education are the major differences felt among the young TurkoDanes. Interestingly, females are more educated than the males: whereas males usually quit school after nine years of compulsory education, females continue their education. The self-reported reason is that boys are raised in a way that they are free to do whatever they want and go outeide the home as they please. Both the lack of opportu-nities and discrimination and the temptation of leisure lead them to pursue an existence based on social welfare. Some tum to crimes. Females, on :he other hand, are either in school or expected to stay in the home and not allowed to go and play. Being a student provides a means to be out of the home and have more control over daily life. ITiis means that females improve their social status whereas males do not. One consequence is that the females do not see these noneducated males to be respectable and are looking for eligible husbands from Turkey, since they expect to marry other Turks if not TurkoDanes.
Celebraiory occasions, such as weddings and circumcision ceremonies, are traditionally very important: they provide the major occasionsforsocialinteractionandmeetingapotentialspouse. They are a major scurce of fun and entertainment, especially for females. This is one of the few times when females are in public rather than in the privacy of the home (if not in school or at work).
METHODOLOGY
The research reported is an ongoing study. What is presented here is the first round of our field work. The data include interviews, photo albums, comments on clothes in fashion magazines, and observations tn daily life and in a major social occasion—a circum-cision ceremony. Sixteen interviews were conducted in Turkish (and translated to Danish) in the informants' homes, restaurants, and at the meeting rooms at the Odense University. Daily fieldno-' tes, transcriptions of taped interviews, photos, and the video of the ceremony constitute the systematic observation records in the study. The use of multiple methods aids thick description and interpretation The authors are a female Turk who spent four months in Denmark over two years and a male Dane who lives in Denmark. Th.e use of a bicultural bigender research team helps provide both Turkish and Danish-insider's and outsider's, and female and male perspectives.
There were interesting challenges in the process of interview-ing. The informante were sensitive to theirstatus as immigrante and wanted to impress an older Turkish professor as bona fide Turks who are at the same time modem and well-adjusted TurkoDanes. They also wanted to be gracious hosts to the "foreign" Turkish professor, as their Turkish hospitality would require.
Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 25) 149
RESULTS
Everyday life worids of the informante are described below followed by the clothing practices of a female informant and the findings about appearance and identity.
Homes and Activities
Most informante live with their parente, in fiats, many of which are very similariy furnished. Some families brought thecurtains from Turkey, thinking that the curtains in Odense were too simple. Their fumiture reminded the Turkish author of the 196O's uiiian middle class fumishings in Turkey: chandeliers, then a symbol of wealth, a prominent buffet, and 'Turkish" crochéed covers hanging from the shelves. They displayed many knick-knacks—small decorative souvenirs, currently sold for touriste in Turkey. They also had "Danish" style floor lamps, tables, and sofas. Several homes had Turkish fiags. One male informant, who displayed such a flag, in addition to posters of the Turkish national anthem and Istanbul, rosary beads, a Turkish soccer team key chain, and a Koran, and who was wearing a small flag pin on his sweater, explained that the Danes always have fiags in their houses. Unlike "some who try to hide the fact that they are Turks," he wante to let everyone know that he is Turkish. His e-mail messa^s end with "We Love Turkey." As with Mehta and Belk (1991), we find that these immigrants have more 'Turkish" possessions than Turks in Turkey do, to symbolize what they left behind and to reaffirm their Turkishness.
Many parents have been to Mecca, more than one would find in a similar community in Turkey. Some parente think that the Danish culture is bozuk (rotten, stalled)—e.g., drinking, night life, bars, discos and how they dance and behave in those places. Many females said that their fathers are more lenient than others'. For example, Sezin (below) said she can be out in the evenings until 10pm whereas most other girls have to be home by 6pm.
The informante watch Turkish, Danish, and German television channels. There is a great variety in the types of music they like, from only Westem pop or only Turkish pop to a greater range of various types. Some informants indicate that they listen to more Turkish music and Turkish pop music then they used to. Turkish pop became extensively popular in Turkey in the recent years and Turkish television is also fairiy recent in Odense. Related to dress, they read Danish and European fashion magazines and receive brochures of Esprit, Noa Noa, Stil, Matinique, etc., - Danish and world fashions. Other leisure activities involve more outeide activities, such as sporte and going out, for males and more inside activities, such as birthday parties, weddings, and Turkish studente association meetings, for females.
They cook mostly Turkish and make Danish desserts, such as rice pudding with cherries. Several informante said that the Danes eat this dessert for Christmas, but they like it very much and eat it all the time. Many informante voiced that "There is not much to Danish cooking anyway, they don't have much—just meat with sauce and potatoes." They said that the Danes like Turkish food very much, except the desserts, and that their friends come for dinner to have a' Turkish meal.
Clothes, in the Words of a Female Informant
Sezin is twenty years old. Some of her commente and responses are as follows:
I wear pante most of the time, jeans. I don't like wearing skirts. I feel more comfortable with pante.... I have four pairs of jeans, blue, Levis. I have two more pairs: one black fabric and one black «bell bottoms." But bell bottoms are beginning to be outdated, I don't thinkl'll wear them any longer.... I wearskirte
only for weddings, not otherwise. Long skirts. I like long loose black skirts. Not tight skirts.
... I wear shOTts only in Turkey, not here. In summer in Turkey it is too hot for jeans. You have to adjust to where you are. When we first got there (Ku^adasi, a seaside resort town in Turkey) we had jeans and t-shirts on. We saw that everyone wore shorts, we decided to wear shorts too. ...
(Commenting on the dress of females in their village in Turkey): they wear long and pattemed skirts. Multiple colorful pattems. Exaggerated colors, too colorful. On top, a white, lavender, or redshin. Thatis,theywearcolorsthatdonotmatch. Andothers wear ^alvar, some have headscarfs.
(Commenting on the dress of females in cities in Turkey): their clothes are more like ours. More and more becoming similar to Westem clothes. There is a great amount of affectation. They think that since Westemers wear those types of clothes, they'll too.... [But] they dress differently. They wear very tight jeans. This does not fit our style at all, we wear more normal and more
loose and comfortable jeans.
(Commenting on Danish dress): they dress just like us. They don't wear tight pants that squeeze the legs.... I wear the same. I wear things that match their way of dress. (Commenting on the colors): they wear grey, black, dark brown. I like those colors too. But really, red is very becoming with black hair (she has black hair), but I feel red is too exaggerated.
(Commenting on a photo of young people on a boat trip in Istanbul): Clothes of people who come from Germany (second or third generaticm German Turks) versus Denmark are very different. The clothes of those from Germany are two steps ahead of us. ... They wear more liberal, açik (revealing, uncovered, free, open) clothes. They can be more free and comfortable (than me) even though they wear açik clothes. I would not have felt comfortable had I wom something like that (pointing to a top that reveals the belly). Must be a good feeling. (Pointing to a long, tight skirt with a slit with a white sleeveless top): I could wear that, beautiful and simple. But I would not because the Danes would not. Except I could wear it for a wedding....
Meaning and Experience of Ciothes and Identity
Sezin's and others' comments, clothes, and photos indicate that there is no one way of dress among the TurkoDanish youth. There arc varying degrees of "Danishness" and "Turkishness" and each individual dresses differently depending on the occasion and his or her specific referents. Wearing jeans, simple, comfortable, and casual clothes, silver jewelry, white socks, and not too colorful things are interpreted to be Danish. Fabric trousers, colorful things, putting together nonmatching and mixed colors, pattems, and items, gold jewelry, nice and chique clothes or exaggerated, elaborate, and dressy clothes, and the tendency to pay attention to how one dresses are interpreted to be Turkish. Most informants believe that Danes cannot tell that they are Turkish from their dress, especially from their daily clothes, and say that they shop in Danish stores anyway. But the color and assemblage codes werc read differently by the Danish author who thinks any Dane can tell they are not Danish. The TurkoDanish choice and reading of clothes are shaped by multiple sociocultural forces and the concems, ambiguities, and conflicts molded by these forces.
Forces that Influence Dress and Appearance: Influential
referents include other TurkoDane university students, jiarents and OdenseTurkoDanecommunity,Danish friends, relatives and friends in Turkey, and relatives and friends in other Europeai countries such as Germany and Belgium. A change of clothing si yle usually accompanies being a university student. Tliis is due partially to having more Danish friends and partially to parents t>eing more lenient when females are educated. Education accord; females a degree of autonomy and protects them from criticism. Il isalicense to freer and more daring or modem styles. Educated ft males gain respectability and honor through education rather then through modest dress. Furthermore, even the field of study m ikes a self-reported difference in clothing style. Clothing styles are also as much a reflection of the home culture of origin (particular rural region, ethnicity, religious sect) and the new "home*' culture of urban Turkey as of Danish and European cultures ar.d of youth subcultures in each of these geographies. For exanrple, Alevls and Kurds are seen to adopt more to the Danish ways of life and clothing. How frequently and where (village or resorts or big cities) they go to in Turkey also influence their styles and notions of appropriate dress. Agents that influence dress inclule Turkish, Danish, and German television they see in Odense, idvertising, magazines, and shops in Odense and Turkey. The infc rmants said that fashion reaches Odense a year later than Turicey. Ihey shop in Turkey as well as in Odense and feel flattered when iheir Danish friends like, borrow, and wear clothes and shoes bough t in Turkey. One female informant sums up how she reconciles diff<:rent forces: "I shop considering both Turkish and Danish cultures, if I think the Turkish community will react, I prefer to buy somethir g else."
Concerns andContradictionsofthePrivateVersuuhe Public:
These diverse sources of influence or forces complicate various concems with clothing. Major concems include age ippropriate-ness, wearing simple (unadomed, neat, matching, harmonious colors and assemblage) yet interesting and nonboring clothes, and appropriateness of dress for different contexts and oc lisions.
Contextual appropriateness is the most ambiguous, conflicting, and fluid issue and that is the one we will elaborate o l here. This choice leads to a focus on gender since contextuality cif clothing is more of an issue for female informants (and for males' views regardingappropriatedressforfemales)thanformales. ^11 informants seem to be relatively more Danish—casual and spoiy—in their daytime clothing, but more Turkish—more unusual, chique, and dressy—in their clothing for the eveningoutings.Furth';rmorc, there is a very clear separation between daily life and celebratory occasions such as weddings, and drcss styles vary accordingly. However, the importance of occasions and situations is overarchinjj for females who are much more conscious of what to wear, where, i nd with what kinds of people. This is at least partially due to the notion of female respectability, which is one of the main criteria by which TurkoDanes distinguish themselves from the Eanes. This overarching concem with contextual appropriateness is intertwined with the private-public dichotomy.
Sezin's and other female informants' discourse indicates critical contradictions they have to negotiate in private and various public contexts. Females are caught in a series of contradictions: good versus bad, modesty and rcspecubility versus nçtk (free and open, with negative undertones), attractive and model n versus açik. The word açik has multiple meanings. One is "open" as opposed to "closed" or "covered" as in Islamic dress. The infonoants say that they do not wear or like açik clothes but prefer vhat they call "comfortable" and simple clothes. "Beautiful'* clothes arcseentobe interesting, nonboring, and attractive without being attention-get-ting. Modesty and respectability are voiced in termsti comfort and
not attracting too much attention. Yet, açik is also modem. Some of Sezin's ccmments about açik clothes indicate a longing for such clothes.
In addition to açik, another term frequently used to describe clothes was "tight." Many said they did not like things that were too tight. They wouldwearatighttopora "body" but with a vest to cover it. Four sisters, talking about tight tops, miniskirts, and low cuts, showed pictures of their mother in late 1960s and eariy 1970s with mini skirts and said that she used to wear minis when still in Turkey and also in Odense. They said even if they could and wanted to wear such clothes they really would not because they would not feel comfortable. These and other informants, as well as their parents, realized Uiat iheir lives are "behind the times" or more "backwards" compared to Turkey and that females in Turkey behave, dress, and live more freely and openly. Their concem is that in Odense, the TurkoDane community will gossip if they are seen in a bathing suit, shorts, mini skirts, or tight and low cut tops. In one informant's words, "it wculd be the same as being on the cover of a magazine." The notion is also that they can behave more freely in Turkey because all females in Turkey behave freely. But in Odense, they do not want io be bad-mouthed by the community.
In the resatively private Turkish spaces, witii other TurkoDanes (forexample, when there are relatives visiting at home, with TurkoDane friends and rtlatives at a picnic in Denmark, at weddings and other ceremonial occasions) they intentionally dress more like a "Turk", that is, what they see as a Turk. At celebratory occasions, they can be playfully colorful and sexual and wear skirts and dresses that they would otherwise not wear anywhere in Denmark. But they still have to negotiate their limits. At the circumcision ceremony, there were only three females who had "overiy sexy and attention getting" clothes and who thus seemed to dare to rebel against the community norms of modesty and respectability. They became the talk of the town, among both the older and the younger generation. These three females, who were regarded to tend to keep away from the TurkoDanes, refused to be interviewed. A similar negotiation has also been observed in Turkish Cypriot weddings in London where females "have to compromise between dressing attractively enough to bring themselves to the attention of young men, and remainingsufficiently modest to avc id being thought fast or "open" [acik]" (Bridewood 1995,45).
In the public domain of Danish spaces, as in the institutional contexts such as the workplace or the university, when going out with Danes, and on the streets, the infonnants want to be, and think that they are, like the Danes. When they say "I'm just like a Dane and dress like a Dane" or "Danes cannot tell I am not a Dane from my clothing" they are referring more to that public domain. That is a domain where female respectability cannot be damaged: they do not mind being seen by the Danes at all and many parents said "no harm will come from the Danes."
Thus, noims seem to be context-specific. There is a notion of "one should behave just like the others." As "others" (forexample, friends in Turkey in the summer, village in Turkey in the summer,' Danes in Odense) change expected behavior changes as well. Different behaviors are acceptable and legitimate in different public and private spaces, depending on who will see the females.
DISCUSSION
Construction of Turkishness by the informants is reminiscent of that of rural Turks thirty years ago, and clearly not like their cousins in the Turkish cities today. And although they think that they are modem TurkoDanes and dress just like the Danes, Danescan tell they are not Danish. The informants seem to try tomask their Turkishness, try to mingle in, and avoid being noticed in public, while maintaining and promoting Turkishness in private-when away from the Danish
Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 25) 151
eyes. Contradictions in clothing experience and meanings mirror wider contradictions experienced by TurkoDanes in attempting to retain a distinctive identity appropriate io Odense in late 1990s. And females explore different interpretations of respectable femininity when parameters of respectability are gradually changing. Being caught among multiple currents, TurkoDanish youth have multiple identities, constructed and expressed painfully as well as playfully.
These interpretations suggest a conceptualization of identity as the junction of multiple and diverse cultural and subcultural forces, groups, and same-different tensions. This is a moving junction point: it moves in different contexts and times. Our exploration of the different junctions as manifested in clothing indicates that immigrants' consumption pattems cannot be under-stood with an essentialist interpretation. There are many subcultures among the young TurkoDanes depending on their numerous refer-ents. These consumers neither behave alike nor do they simply adapt or resist. They negotiate and mix different styles of clothing depend-ing on the situation and the people around them. Degrees of assimilation/adaptation, resistance/pereistence, and hybridization/ synthesis vary within one person depending on the context. Con-sumption of clothes indicate hybridization and negotiation among conflicting forces. What is most interesting is thecontext-^dfidty of dress in various public and private contexts. Future studies need a nonessentialist and a contextual approach to the consumption pattems of ethnic subcultures and other subcultures of the globe.
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