The Situation after the Chicano Movement (1970s)

As mentioned above, Bracero Program increased the number of Mexican immigrants significantly. Both documented and undocumented Mexican workers fled to the country in great numbers continuously, the number had reached to millions of immigrants with the program. In addition to this crowded population, Chicano Movement was an important step for the Mexican immigrants to accept and embrace their identities and stand up to discrimination and exclusion they face in the United States. As a continuation of the Mexican state’s dividing practices and population creation efforts, Mexican diaspora started to realize and embrace their identities in the United States and from this point onwards, self-identification of the members of this population gained speed. In Foucauldian explanation, self-identification is the last phase of subjectification and this is a different phase than

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dividing practices and scientific classification because self-subjectification is conducted internally. At the end of the previous steps of dividing practices and scientific classification, form of self-subjectification starts to be applied internally;

in which human beings turn themselves into subjects. After being exposed to previous implications, people internalize these practices and technologies after a while and without being pushed or directed into the technologies, people start to exercise them upon themselves. “Governance in this case is something we do to ourselves, not something done to us by those in power” (Rose, 1990, p.213).

In this manner, people are drawn into contributing to and reaching to the normal line of society that set as a governmental technology. Through hygiene, weight and obesity control, regular exercise, check-ups or personal grooming, or as in our case, involving in the mechanisms established for a specific population, people become a part of these technologies. This is a process of active self-formation of bodies, souls, thoughts, conducts mediated by an external authority figure. It can be said that self-subjectification is the aggregate outcome of previously imposed technologies. “Individuals learn to recognize themselves as subjects of democratic citizenship and so become self-governing” (Cruikshank, 2006, p.335). This process also applies to governmental rationality since it is the economic way of governing people without getting directly involved and spending wide range of sources. “Through some political technology of individuals, we have been led to recognize ourselves as a society, as a part of a social entity, as a part of a nation or of a state” (Foucault, 1988, p.146).

Starting from the Chicano movement, the pile of reaction coming from previously implied technologies showed itself and this movement is an important signifier of self-subjectification of Mexican diaspora. By participating to the movement, by developing it and taking it to the agenda of both American and Mexican states and societies, members of the Mexican diaspora empowered themselves, they felt liberalized and making a difference. But the foundation of this movement is coming from the previously established mechanisms, policies and institutions which aimed at creating the diaspora population.

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This event and its echoes lasted for a long time and effected the formal relations between Mexican state and the diaspora in the United States as well. The situation and strength of proud, identity-conscious Mexicans in great numbers in United States affected the policies and attitudes towards them, awareness and supports towards these people raised significantly. “Until the 1970s, Mexican government policy was formally anti-emigration, fueled in part by fears of losing both skilled and unskilled labor needed for developing the economy” (Fitzgerald, 2006). They have become important sources and investment in relations with them gained importance. Politicians and presidential candidates raised their campaigns in United States and increased their support for emigrants.

When President Luis Echeverría came to power in 1970, interest in the Mexican population abroad was widespread among intellectuals, businessmen and some government officials. The ties between Mexico and Mexicans living in the U.S.

began to grow in cultural, political, social and economic areas, and became more complex (Gómez-Quiñones, 1983 in Cano & Delano, 2007, p. 22)

With the Chicano Movement, these people carried out these missions and subjectified themselves. They were subjects even when they were objects. In addition, especially after this movement, self-subjectification is accelerated and new technologies aiming at reaching this population to the optimum started to be developed. President Echeverría raised his focus on emigrants and increased the state’s support for emigrants, raised awareness in the protection of this migrants and started new initiations for this cause. New clubs, hometown associations and organizations were founded in the 1970s, the relation became more important and started to be more popular on the state agenda. New programs aiming the diaspora were established and the discourses aiming the population became stronger. This support continued after Echeverría administration as well. In the early 1970s,

‘Comisión Mixta de Enlace’ (Binational Outhreach Commission) was founded and it managed the relations between the Mexican government and the migrants through the help of Ministry of Labor and Mexican – American organizations.

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‘Federations de la Estados’ (State Federations) were founded in 1972 and an important example of this federations is ‘Federación de Clubes Zacatecanos’

which is among the most organized Mexican communities in the U.S. Government also invested in establishing Mexican cultural centers, created scholarship programs for the Mexican students in the U.S. who wishes to study in their home country. Also, Mexican government donated books about Mexican culture and Spanish learning to the libraries in cities with large Mexican population. It can be argued that these institutions and groups were created to create an obedient and controllable population. These programs targeted every part of Mexican diaspora, there is a program for every class of Mexican diaspora. The rationality behind this is to penetrate to every sphere of the diaspora and to have an effect on each and every on of the participants, even on the 3^rd generation Mexicans who have not even seen Mexico in their lives.

This period of protective and considerate policies towards Mexican emigrants and efforts of strengthening the ties did not continue in such an accelerated way. As the Mexican economy stabilized and Mexican position towards United States gained power, the state lost its interest in the migrants. With the break of 1982 Debt Crisis in Mexico, the state needed the migrants once again but the economic crisis and country’s bad position, the state neither could open new programs and institutions nor could support the already established programs in 1980s.

Nevertheless, even though direct investments decreased and slowed down, since these mechanisms already established self-subjectification mechanism and these migrants were participating and re-producing all of them continuously, these mechanisms lasted on their own. This point is clearly showing the rationality of government and how the governmentality techniques are economical ways of governing even beyond borders.

Moreover, when the contribution of the remittances to the Mexican economy was discovered, Mexican state increased consular activities. This newly discovered technology opened another path to the Mexican state for gaining economical power and establishing another relation with its diaspora. In 1980, remittances

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provided 1.8 billion $ a year, almost equal to tourism (Lozano, 1992) and Mexican state needed to use this important source. 1x1 Program was established in 1986 in order to increase the efficiency of the remittances. This campaign supported remittances sent by the emigrants via multiplying the amount by state support. The collected money was transmitted into public projects in Mexico. Although this 1x1 program could not raise much money and could only contribute to 28 projects, the idea evolved in time and still valid with great echo. Remittance gathering and making a campaign for it is another technology implied. By giving the remittances for contributing to the life in the home country, Mexican diaspora felt more connected and empowered since they were helping out even though they were far away, but this is still being a part of this new technology and the governing technique. President de la Madrid focused on making relations with business community and established the ‘Project for the Strengthening of Ties between the Mexican Government, Mexican Population and the Mexican-American Community’. Hence, the focus on economic programs and campaigns can be evaluated as another governmental technology developed according to the conditions of the time.

In 1986, cultural side gained importance once more and ‘Programa Cultural de las Fronteras’ (Cultural Program for the Borders) was established in order to promote radio programs, academic activities, seminars, publications and exhibitions related to Mexicans. Also, ‘Consejo Nacional de Poblacíon’ (CONAPO) was established within the body of Ministry of Interior Affairs in order to study current policies and develop new policy recommendations upon the matters of political problems and migration. These programs are contributed to creating and differentiating the migrant population and aimed at subjectifiying these people.

Along with the cultural side and newly discovered economic benefit of the migrants, their political benefits were started to be discovered as well. After creating Mexican diaspora as a separate population and shape these people’s identities by creating a togetherness and unity feeling, Mexican state’s emphasis about its migrant population in the United States had turned to political side.

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Mexican government started to issue voting cards for Mexicans abroad who are older than 18 under the jurisdiction of Federal Electorate Institute in 1980s.

Although this initiation did not immediately give results and it took a lot of time and effort for Mexican migrants to vote for the presidential elections of their home countries, the first attempt for gaining voting rights was performed in 1980s. With the upcoming elections, politicians started to take migrants as resources, elected President Salinas established ‘Outreach Program’ while running for presidency.

Mexican Assembly for Effective Suffrage was organized for Mexican votes and Mexican Democratic Forum was organized. Therefore, by 1988, Mexican emigrants got politicized and the focus on them shifted towards a political side.

Giving the right to vote to Mexican diaspora was another aspect of constituting participating legal citizens, or in Cruikshank’s terms ‘citizen-subject’. “The constitution of the citizen-subject requires technologies of subjectivity, technologies aimed at producing happy, active and participatory democratic citizens” (Cruikshank, 2006, p.340). Mexican migrants felt empowered politically and they are citizens even though they are away from home through voting but they are actually being directed with voting mechanism.

In the two-decade long period that starts with the breaking of Chicano Movement and lasted until the 1990s, Mexican state’s policies towards their migrants have shifted several times.

The Mexican state spent years largely ignoring Mexicans abroad, with no consistent policy besides repatriation, the guest-worker program and various ad hoc policies. Starting in the late 1980’s, in the midst of deep political and economic crises, the Mexican state began to take official recognition of Mexicans in the U.S., developing a series of outreach programmes, and, more recently, expanding the definition of the Mexican nation to include Mexicans abroad (Goldring in Pries, 2001, p.67).

At first, when the administration discovered the power of its migrants, shifted its focus on emigrants, established many cultural organizations in order to protect the

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commitment of the migrants to their Mexican identity. However, in accordance with the economic situation in the country, the attitudes have fluctuated. In the times of oil boom and relatively strong economy, Mexican state ignored the migrants and decreased its speed in establishing institutions and organizations with Mexican migrant community, but these mechanisms continued to work on their own. Under the harsh conditions of Debt Crisis, a new techniques which subjectifies the diaspora was discovered; remittance gathering programs were established. And when the political power of the emigrants was discovered, the importance given to them gained another position, a new technology started to be applied. During 1980s, Mexican state started reaching out to their diaspora, trying to establish a new link with its emigrants (Gonzalez Guiterrez, 1993) and this new link got deepened with the 1988 elections.

The politicization of the Mexican community, especially in support of the opposition in the 1988 elections, and the growth of their importance for the economy through their remittances, had a significant impact in the Mexican government’s attention to migrants and determined its policies in the next period (Cano & Delano, 2007, p.27).

With the effect of all these developments and under the newly growing circumstances. awareness and efforts of the Mexican state towards their migrant community in the U.S. got more institutionalized and stabilized and gained another shape. As can be understood, new techniques and technologies of governmentality has been developed under changing circumstances. The circumstances in the 1990s and the position at this point led to institutionalization of this techniques and technologies, which accelerated and secured the position of governmental mechanisms and helped in self-subjectification mechanisms.