ARAŞTIRMA VE İNCELEME RESEARCH
An Islamic Statecraft in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Study
of the Structure and Operations of Governance in the
Sokoto Caliphate, Nigeria (1804-1903)
Sahra Altı Afrika'da İslami Bir Devlet Yönetimi: Nijerya'daki
Sokoto Hilafetinde Yönetimin Yapısı ve İşlemleri Üzerine
Bir İnceleme (1804-1903)
Mukhtar Umar BUNZAa,Lawal Abdul KARIMb
aUsmanu Danfodiyo University,
Department of History, Sokoto, NIGERIA
bUsmanu Danfodiyo University,
Department of Islamic Studies, Sokoto, NIGERIA
Received: 20.09.2020
Received in revised form: 09.02.2021 Accepted: 09.02.2021
Available online: 26.04.2021 Correspondence:
Mukhtar Umar BUNZA Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Department of History, Sokoto, NIGERIA 0000-0002-5830-7019 mbunza@hotmail.com
Copyright © 2021 by İslâmî Araştırmalar
ABSTRACT Sokoto Caliphate was founded in 1804 by Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo, (1754- 1817), with its headquar-ters at Sokoto, northern Nigeria. It influences however, extended to all areas of West African sub-region and sur-vived to 1903 when the British forces invaded and occupied Sokoto, the seat of the Caliphate. However, its rele-vance and legacies in terms of administrative acumen, social and economic policies as well as inventions in science and technology remain relevant for contemporary emulation. The concern of this article is on its administrative structure, check and balances and separation of powers for administrative expediency. One of the strongest reasons for the failure or flop of powers and governments in human history has been concentration of too much power in the hands of an individual or group in a given system. Thus, abuse of power and exploiting it to serve the naïve interest of the powerful to the detriment of the majority citizens who, in most cases, are oppressed and browbeaten characterized tyrannical government, which consequently end up in chaos and pandemonium. It was in recogni-tion of this obvious historical reality that the Sokoto Jihad leaders after the takeover of Hausa governments ensured all efforts and measures for stable power equation in the Caliphate, which did not allow the emergence of dictators, or authoritarian leaders. Power was not separated between the executive, Judiciary, the military and the Council of
Shura, but equitably proportioned and collaborated for effective leadership and equitable dispensation of justice. Through this medium people’s opinion were heard and listened to in affairs that affects the day to day running of government, and leaders were subjected to public analysis on all matters of public interest. Similarly, the judiciary, and the hisbah, were integrated in such a way that all, including the Caliph and Chief Judge could be brought be-fore the law and to face justice; the same as the judges’ judgments could be appealed at various levels to redress any miscarriage of justice. Indeed, all arms and arteries of power in the Caliphate were ensured with checks and balanc-es to avoid abuse, thus making the administration of the Sokoto Caliphate on a balanced template for a century. The system of the Sokoto Caliphate therefore, gives and serves as a milestone for the Muslim societies in search of prac-tical and egalitarian system in the contemporary global challenges.
Keywords: Islamic Statecraft; Sokoto Caliphate; Governance; Sub-Saharan Africa; Nigeria; Hausaland ÖZ Merkezi Nijerya'nın kuzeyindeki Sokoto'da bulunan Sokoto Hilafeti, Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo (1754-1817) tarafından 1804 yılında kuruldu. Bununla birlikte, etkileri Batı Afrika'nın Sahra alt bölgesinin tamamına yayıldı ve İngiliz kuvvetlerinin Halifeliğin merkezi olan Sokoto'yu ettikleri 1903 yılına kadar hayatta kaldı. Bununla birlikte, idari dirayet ile sosyal ve ekonomik politikaların yanı sıra, bilim ve teknolojideki buluşlar açısından önemi ve mirası, günümüzde de taklit edilmeye çalışılarak devam etmektedir. Bu makalenin konusu, Halifeliğin idari uygunluğunu incelemek üzere idari yapısı, kontrol ve dengeleri ile kuvvetler ayrılığıdır. İnsanlık tarihin-deki güçlerin ve hükümetlerin başarısızlığının veya başarısız olmasının en önemli nedenlerinden biri, belirli bir sistemde çok fazla gücün bir bireyin veya grubun elinde yoğunlaşması olmuştur. Böylece, gücün kötüye kulla-nılması ve güçlünün saf çıkarlarına ve çoğu durumda ezilen ve sindirilmiş çoğunluk yurttaşların aleyhine hiz-met etmek için kullanılması ile nitelendirilen bu tiran yönetimin sonucu kaos ve kargaşa olmuştur. Sokoto Ci-hat liderlerinin, Hausa hükümetleri ele geçirdikten sonra, diktatörlerin veya otoriter liderlerin ortaya çıkmasına izin vermeyen istikrarlı güç dengesi için tüm çabaları göstermesi ve önlemleri alması, bu bariz tarihsel gerçeğin kabul edilmesi anlamına gelmekteydi. Güçler, yürütme, yargı, ordu ve Şura Divanı arasında ayrılmamış, etkin liderlik ve adaletin adil dağıtımı için orantılı olarak dağıtılmış ve güçler arasında iş birliği sağlanmıştır. Bu araç sayesinde, hükümetin günlük işleyişini etkileyen olaylarda insanların fikirleri dinlenmiş ve liderler, kamuyu ilgilendiren tüm konularda kamu tarafından analiz edilmiştir. Aynı şekilde, yargı ve hisbe, Halife ve Baş Yargıç da dahil olmak üzere herkesin adalet ile yüzleşmek üzere hukukun önüne çıkarılabileceği şekilde bütünleştiril-miştir; benzer şekilde, yargıçların kararları, adli hataların telafisi amacıyla çeşitli düzeylerde temyiz edilebil-mekteydi. Nitekim Hilafetin tüm gücü, bütün organlarının kontrol edilmesi ve dengelenmesi ile suiistimali önlemek üzere inşa edilerek, Sokoto Halifeliğinin idaresi bir asır boyunca dengeli şekilde yürütülmesi sağlan-mıştır. Sokoto Hilafet sistemi, bu nedenle, çağdaş küresel zorluklar içinde pratik ve eşitlikçi bir sistem arayışın-da olan Müslüman toplumlar için bir kilometre taşı durumunarayışın-dadır.
INTRODUCTION: BACKGROUND TO THE POLITICAL THEORY AND PHILOSOPHY
OF THE SOKOTO CALIPHATE
he secrets behind the success and viability as well as sustainability of the administrative appara-tus and structure of government in the Sokoto Caliphate that survived even the colonial period (1903-1960) was the checks and balances engrained in its polity and governance. In the Caliphal system rule of law was to a certain degree observed. Consequently, no individual, including the
Caliph/Sultan, Emir, Military Commander- amir al-Jaish, or -Grand Qadi-Qadhi al-Quddat enjoyed
any immunity against law. Further, government based on consultation and mutual understanding was what was theorized in books and treatises and finally put into practice. Major decisions passed or adopted that did not have clear-cut juridical injunctions in the Shari’ah were debated, and analysed by eligible members of the society based on one’s expertise and knowledge in the area of discourse. Thus, it was characteristically observed that the founder of the Caliphate, Shaikh Usmanu Danfodiyo (d. 1817) (also Shehu, Danfodiyo, or Usmanu Danfodiyo are used interchangeably in the text, denote same thing), Malam Abdullah Fodiyo (d. 1829 and Sultan Muhammad Bello (d. 1837) differed in opin-ion and understanding on some issues of governance, however, each respected the other’s opinopin-ion. That was the nature and culture of freedom of thought and speech that was imbibed and entrenched into the society by the leadership of the Caliphate, to serve as foundation for the new polity. That sys-tem ensured the survival of the Sokoto Caliphate as an intellectual hub and a dynamic institution based on the principles of the Shari’ah.
In order to ensure a durable system and enduring polity, the Triumvirate based their discourses on the basic foundation upon a sustained development and progress of the society will be ensured. Is-sues such as freedom and education of women, right of the poor and less privileged, mass education, as well as fight against social vices and immoral practices as well as development of social and political
policies were the main concern of the Caliphal administration of the 19th century Sokoto Caliphate,
and thus, principles of their political philosophy and tajdeed movement. The major issues addressed
included
RESISTING DICTATORIAL AND CORRUPT LEADERSHIP
The unbearable hardship experienced by the people and high level of insensitivity of the administration compelled the Shehu to strongly appeal to the rulers in Hausaland to be responsible to their duties as leaders. However, their malign disregard of this request further necessitated the Shehu and his
support-ers to take a drastic approach. In Kitab al-Farq, (one of the most provoking books of Danfodiyo against
the existing political atmosphere in 19th century Nigeria), he categorically criticized the existing
leader-ship of abusing public funds, imposing of levies beyond the resources of their subjects, over affluence on the side of the rulers and their immediate families to the detriment of their subjects, collecting of gratifi-cations through their public offices, and bribery among the judges (making courts as a place where high-est bidder takes all). In addition, the sharp practices in the corridors of power in Hausaland can be
glar-ing, as lyglar-ing, treachery, and pride became the ways of their government (Danfodiyo, Kitab al-farq,
Hisk-ett, trans, 1962, 7-11).
T
Concerning dealing with an oppressive ruler, the Sokoto movement of the 19th century largely
de-rived its philosophy from the 15th century ideologue an Algerian Muhammad bin Abdulkarim
al-Maghili. He provided the modus operandi for the Islamic system in Songhay and Kano, during the reigns of Askia Muhammad,1460-1503, and Sarkin Kano Muhammad Rumfa,1466-1504 respectively. The trea-tise responding to the queries and questions Askia Muhammad, (which the Shehu Danfodiyo also
sub-scribed to) in Ajwiba al-Maghili rules that:
If you can bring to an end his oppression of the Muslims without harm to them so that you set
up among them a just amir-leader, then do so, even if that leads to killing and the killing of
many of the oppressors and their supporters and the killing of many of your supporters, for whoever is killed from among them is the worst of slain men and whoever is killed from among your people is the best of martyrs … If you cannot bring to an end his oppression of the Muslims except by causing harm to them, then here two evils are conflicting; so, beware lest you change one reprehensible practice for another like it or worse than it. So, make sure here and commit the lesser of the two evils, for committing the lesser of the two evils is a widely
ac-cepted rule and a firmly transmitted sunna. It is not reprehensible to kill unjust miscreants and
their helpers even if they pray and pay zakat and perform pilgrimage. So, fight them, even if
they kill many of your number and you kill many of their number, so long as your fighting them is for the victory of truth over falsehood and the victory of the oppressed over the oppres-sor, (cited in Sulaiman, 1986, 3).
The above reasons advanced by Al-Maghili to Askiya Muhammad of Songhai, which were the rea-sons for removing Sonni Ali from power in Songhai, were also adopted by Danfodiyo to embark on his reform, and justification for removing the corrupt Hausa rulers from power. Thus, according to Shehu the structure of government in Hausaland, as well as the problems ridden the system were similar in in-tent and purposes with what al-Maghili discoursed to Askia Muhammad for the reform of Songhai in the fifteenth century.
SAFEGUARDING GOOD GOVERNANCE AND RULE OF LAW
The system of government in pre-19th century Nigeria and West African region was monarchical,
against the one favored by the Shari’ah- government of consultation (through Shura, assembly or
par-liament), where issues are deliberated and discussed, and a system where officers are elected or selected into office not due to their qualities and qualifications, but because of their closeness or relationship
with those on power. In Kitab al- Farq (‘Book of Criterion’, written by Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo
around 1803 explaining the political crises which necessitated the removal of the existing government and replacing it with a just system) Shehu categorically stressed this factor as a necessity for the reform in the following:
One of the ways of their government is succession to the leadership by hereditary right (mon-archy) and by force (military take-over) to the exclusion of consultation. And one of the ways of their government is the building of their sovereignty upon three things: the peoples’ person, their honor, and their possessions; and whomsoever they wish to kill or exile or violate his honor or devour his wealth they do so in pursuit of their lusts, without any right in the Shari’a.(Danfodiyo, 1803, cited in Sulaiman 1986, 7).
In order to ensure the ascendency of rule of law and good governance among the people, Shehu
thus, rejected any form of government not based on consultation, and not founded on shura or
consulta-tive assembly guided by Islamic political philosophy. The practice of consultation and allowing people to participate in the act of administration as it relates to their rights and privileges were some of the essen-tial foundations upon which the entire Sokoto jihad movement was established (see Bunza, 2014 and Junaidu, 2006).
PREVENTING INDISCIPLINE AND SOCIAL ILLS IN THE SOCIETY
Having realized that a viable political structure requires a strong foundation from the grassroots, and es-pecially the younger generations who should be focused, disciplined, and mobilized, the Shehu strove for a society with a sound moral fabric. Indiscipline is one of the major causes of failure at an individual level, or running of public institutions. The Jihad leaders targeted the problems of nudity, fornication,
adultery, and alcoholism for eradication as the cornerstone of the agenda for the 19th century
reforma-tion. Alcoholism and indiscriminate intermingle between men and women in markets, streets, and so-cial gatherings were the main soso-cial imbalances addressed by the Shehu. A practice, which Shehu called
Jandudu1 became widespread particularly among the slave girls of Hausa aristocrats and from among the
free born. That was in form of exposure of nakedness and committing of fornication and adultery. The act was described by Shehu (see Abdullahi, Hiskett, (trans),1962, 18) thus:
They (men and women) assembled at a place with evil intention. He who sees them (at that stage) has seen senselessness (by itself). Men and women lying down (half-naked) in the open; each of them with shameless dazzling eyes bulging out. Men and women, thou keep on clap-ping their hands jumclap-ping up and down turning aside ways staggering.
In order to sanitize the society from crimes and criminal activities and ensure a promising crop of citizens through a responsive younger generation, the Jihad leaders vehemently fought against all forms of social vices. These issues were addressed in various places in the writings of Shehu. As a responsible
scholar, the Shehu further urges that (in Kitab al-Farq, 1963, 12), protection of social behavior from
im-moralities was the responsibility of those in authority: ‘every governor of a province should strive to for-tify strongholds… set up a military station on every frontier(for both internal and external security), and combat every cause of corruption which occurs in his country, and forbid every disapproved thing(social vices that lead to crises in the society)’ see also Johnston, 1967, 32).
One of the major social ills that mitigate the society which the Shehu and his followers fought against and identified as serious problem was widespread corruption especially among political leader-ship and judiciary. That factor was critical in the campaign and reform movement upon which the
Sokoto Caliphate was founded. It was succinctly captured Kitab al-Farq (Danfodiyo, Hiskett, trans, 1962)
portray the nature of the existing polity in Nigerian and West African regions in late 18th century which
necessitated change in following:
One of the ways of their government which is also well known, is that if you have an adversary (in court of law) and he precedes you to them, and gives them money, then your word will not be accepted by them, even though they know for a certainty of your truthfulness, unless you
give them more than your adversary gave. One of the ways of their government is to shut the door in the face of the needy.
The reform movement in the opinion of Shehu under this case as shown above from Kitab al-Farq
was one of the fundamental causes of the jihad in order to remove these social vices from the society.
WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND EDUCATION IN THE SOCIETY
The indispensable position and role of women in building a vibrant and productive society is indubita-ble. In order to actualize that fact, education and ensuring for the rights of the women folk became a key
factor in the Da’awa activities of Danfodiyo from its very beginning. Changing the status-quo in regard
therefore, tantamount to facing an enormous challenge from the conservative and traditional setting, which had no sense of responsibility in this course. It was indeed, the first challenge, which the Shehu faced from the learned and ignorant populace as it was seen and perceived as strange for a woman to at-tend to school and partake in other intellectual activities. Mustafa Goni, one of the renowned Borno scholars of the eighteenth century, wrote memo, criticizing the Shehu for allowing women attending the sessions in the same ground with men to receive lectures and learn the religion. The petition by Goni in verse reads:
To you, from us, blessed greetings which caused those who meet us to smell musk and perfume. O son of Fudi, rise and warn the ignorant, that perchance they may understand religion and things of this world. Forbid women to visit your preaching, for mixing of men and women is sufficient a disgrace. Do not do what contributes towards disgrace, for God has not ordered vice, which would cause us harm. The verses of al-Mustafa thirteen complete them, in the year twelve hundred, plus a number, which will suffice us(see Abdullah, Tazyin, Hiskett, trans, 1963, 86-87).
In the instructions of the Shehu, his brother Abdullahi Fodiyo responded in the most eloquent and hypothetical tune to the letter of Mustafa Goni. He denied any acts of committing of sins by the Shehu
and his Jama’ah in the course of teaching their followers male and female. However, he accepted going
by a lesser evil if it were, of allowing women to come out to learn instead of leaving them in ignorance,
which is inseparable with unbelief. Abdullahi’s response as presented in his Tazyin al-Waraqat reads:
O you who have come to guide us aright, we have heard what you have said. Listen to what we say. You gave advice to the best of your ability, but would you have freed us from blame! And you spoke- Glory be to God, this was calumny! Indeed devils, if they come to our gathering, spread evil speech, exceeding all bounds! We have not had promiscuous intercourse with women, how could that be… But I do not agree that their being left to go free in ignorance is good, for the committing of the lesser evil has been made obligatory. Ignorance pardons, even though it was disobedience. We found the people of this country drowning in ignorance; shall we prevent them from understanding?... Their number is ten. And the date is twelve hundred and one (i.e. 1201AH /1786 AD).
In order to attain the egalitarian reform, which the Shehu and his companions envisaged for their people, the women folk must be fully educated and mobilized to be responsible members of the society. In addressing this crucial issue of women education and other rights and privileges the Shehu authored a
book entitled: Irshad al-Ikhwan ila ahkam jawaz khuruj al-Niswan, (Guidance for the brothers on the legality of women out-door activities), which was widely disseminated all over the region of Hausaland with a view to clear the dust on these vital but misunderstood problems. He says in the preliminary part of the treatise that: “Let my brothers know that I am prompted to write this book by the split of the
people of Bilad al-Sudan as to whether women can go out or not. On this matter the people were
di-vided into two, each of them was in the extreme side. One class which was prone to negligence believed that women can have absolute right to go out whether or not there is legal necessity. Though this belief
was absolutely erroneous was nevertheless the widely held in Bilad al-Sudan. The second class was also
guilty of extremism, for it places absolute ban on women to go out whether or not there is a legal
neces-sity. This practice was wrong. Members of this class were in the community in this Bilad al-Sudan.
Shehu further stressed that,” I am writing this book in order to counsel members of these two classes so as to explain to them the Islamic golden mean- a position between the two extremes. That ‘It is lawful for women to go out whether where there is a legal need such as attending to either worldly needs such as economic activity (which with she obtains a livelihood), and the like, or religious necessity like going out for acquisition of knowledge if her husband cannot teach her; for in matters of religion everyone is responsible for what he or she does’( see Arabic manuscript of text translated by author of this article, p.1). Balogun (1990, 216) observed that, ‘he (Shehu) condemned those who shut their women folk in without affording them the opportunity to learn extensively (the affairs of their religion and the world). His own example with the education of his wives and daughters was very glaring.
Unequivocally, Shehu declared in his Nur al- Albab and Wathiqat al-Ikhwan, that the domestic
services rendered by women in terms of cooking, provision of firewood, grinding, fetching of water, and labor in the farm were not sanctioned upon them by the Sharia’. Shehu tirelessly fought for the eco-nomic and social emancipation of women, through ensuring their rights to ownership of property, in-heriting of estates of deceased relatives and husbands, and opening of educational opportunities (Kaura, 1990, 75-76). In response to the seriousness of the problem, the Shehu adopted some radical measures to match with the gravity of the problem. He started by describing the situation of women in the pre-jihad societies in the following:
One of the habits of men, scholars of the Sudan is that they leave their wives, daughters and slaves neglected like a grazing livestock without teaching them what Allah made obligatory on them of their articles of Faith, regulations governing their purity, fasting and their like, i.e. buying and selling. They consider them like a container, which they use; when it breaks, they throw it in dung and rubbish places. It is the duty of every Muslim to start with himself and guards it by performing his duty properly also, to abandon unlawful things, thereafter, he should teach his family and relations (See Kani, 1985, 69).
Finally, Danfodiyo unreservedly called upon the women folk in the strongest terms saying: ‘O, Muslim women, do not listen to the speech of the misguided (group) who misguide others and deceive you by making you to obey your husbands without ordering you to obey Allah and His messenger (peace be upon him). They claim that the happiness of the women is in obeying their husbands. They do this in order to get their selfish desire out of you. They also ask you to do what Allah and His prophet did not stipulate at all, like cooking and washing of cloth and the like. At the same time, they do not ask you about what Allah and His messenger has ordained to you of obedience. Yes, it is incumbent upon
the wife to obey her husband according to the consensus of scholar-jurist in secret and in open even when the husband is very poor or a slave. It is not permissible for her to disobey him at all, according to the consensus unless he orders her to disobey Allah, in which case she should not obey him’(see transla-tion of original text from Arabic in Kani, (1985, 69-70). Through this onerous effort by the Sokoto schol-ars, women in the Caliphate were emancipated and appropriately placed as equal partners in progress in the realization of the ideals upon which the Sokoto Caliphate was founded. One would be left in no doubt of this fact, if views the mobilization of women program chaired by Nana Asma’u (the daughter of
the Shehu) under the Yantaru2system. From the scholarly comments and contributions by Nana Asma’u
and other women, the Caliphate did not only create opportunities for women in juristic and spiritual spheres, but also on some administrative ethos such as military expeditions and other related issues in the governance of the society.
REFORMING THE ULAMA’A AND PRACTICE OF THE RELIGION
One of the most difficult tasks in the tajdeed movement of Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo was the case
against the Ulama’a –scholars- of his time. Primarily, that was because these same scholars taught and
tutored them in almost all the sciences of the religion. Neither Shehu nor Abdullahi or their son Mu-hammad Bello travelled outside Hausaland for the purpose of seeking for knowledge, pilgrimage or any other adventure. Thus, they gained their knowledge and education in the region and through some of these scholars. Further, those scholars were known and recognized by their followers as protectors of the religion, even though they performed otherwise. Therefore, it required very serious deliberation and intense enlightenment to convince the commoners and less educated of the wrong of their ulama’ -scholars.
Of equal consequences was also the corruption and manipulation of religion by the so-called
cus-todians of the religion- the Ulama’a. The category of such Ulama’ was described by Shehu as
repre-sentatives and helpers of the Satan, who chose worldly gains and influence from the people in
author-ity than the mercy and pleasure of God. Such Ulama’ legalized the corrupt practices of the leaders and
not resisting the exploitation and oppression against the weak by the powerful. Shehu branded such scholars as ‘, more dangerous than the devil, and their position in the society was no better than a rock in the sea, which neither drinks water no allows anybody to drink’. Removing their influence in governance and the society entirely was, in the opinion of the Shehu, a catalyst to attaining of a viable
political system.3 The Shehu’s contention against the Ulama’a al-Su’i – venal scholars- as expressed in
Wathiqat al-Ikhwan was synonymous with Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti’s description of such Ulama’a in
the following:
They included those who had knowledge but failed to put it into practice; those who pre-sented an appearance of compliance with the outward religious duties, but had not elimi-nated characteristics such as vanity, hypocrisy, ambition, desire for political office and high rank; those who presumed that they had the exclusive right to guide the common people and
2 That was an association of the women folk, founded by Nana Asma’u, for the advancement of the course of the Sokoto Jihad, pri ncipally targeting the
women, teaching, re-orientating and enlightening them.
3 Shehu made this statement in his Wathiqat al-Ikhwan, however discussions on the issues could be found in Abba Y., ‘The 1804 Jihad in Hausaland as a
Revolution’, in Usman Y. B., Studies in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate, published by the Department of History ABU, 1979, PP.20-33, the chapter is generally good for understanding the point.
yet entered into unholy alliance with the (corrupt political leaders) sultans, thus encouraging the sultans’(leaders’) oppression of the people; those who engaged in jihad but only to obtain fame and wealth; and those scholars who used false methods, such as music, to lure people into spiritual practices. The danger of those scholars, the Sidi said, could be seen from the
hadith of the Prophet (Allah bless him and grant him peace): ‘I fear for my umma after me
more from ulama al-su’(venal scholars) than from the Dajjal, and when asked who these
were, he replied that they were ulama al-alsina, -the ulama of the tongue’(see Sulaiman,
1986).
Reforming the scholars and making them faithful and sincere to their responsibility of guiding peo-ple to right path and serving as the custodian of the religion is very fundamental in societal reorientation and regeneration. This is because an erring scholar in the opinion of Shehu was more dangerous to the
society than hundreds of Satan- Iblis. Thus, the jihadists were determined to transform the general
out-look and functions of the scholars as part of the grand arrangement for restructuring the entire societal fabric of the central Sudan, which served as the sole manifesto for the movement. Reforming Islam
would have been an impossible escapade without reforming the Ulama’a.
The consequences of the crookedness of the Ulamaa class had adversely affected the society in the way the practices of the religious tenets were conducted. Undoubtedly, majority professed Islam but practiced syncretism and superstitions which are contrary to the tenets of the religion, and therefore
made it obligatory for the reform. In Masail al- Muhimma, and Nurul al-Bab the Shehu made it
CONCEPTUAL ISSUES ON POWER, AUTHORITY AND LEADERSHIP IN THE
SOKOTO CALIPHATE
“No person is made a ruler over the people to become their master, he is to serve their religious and temporal interest…. the governor must not think he is the owner of the province over which he is made to rule, whereby the land becomes his personal property which he can give
to whom he likes and deny it to whom he likes.”(Abdullahi Fodiyo, Diya’a al-Hukkam, pp
190&208)
“People do not prosper leaderless, without chiefs. And there can be no chiefs when the
igno-rant among them have powers.”(Shaikh Usman Danfodiyo, Bayan Wujub al-Hijrah)
Power literally means the ability to influence the behavior of others with or without resistance. The term authority is often used for power perceived as legitimate by the social structure. Power in modern perspective can be seen as evil or unjust, but the exercise of power is accepted as endemic to humans as social beings. In the corporate environment, power is often expressed as upward or downward. With downward power, a company's superior influences subordinate (Greiner & Schein, 1988). The Western concept of sovereignty and power argued D. L. Sills, lies with people whose decisions and resolutions are absolute and final (Sills, 1972), while in Islamic perspectives, absolute power to decide and legislate be-long to Allah alone, whose laws and decrees all survives to implement. And none has the power to enact whatever law not incongruence with His. According to him:
Political authority in Islam is fundamentally and morally bound. Heavy loaded moral checks and balances are so effectively put in place that the seat of political power in an Islamic polity is
a real burden. It is an unenviable position for the leader is a servant of the people. He should not eat to his satisfaction as long as his subjects are sleeping with empty stomachs, or relax and enjoy state guaranteed security when his subjects are living in a very frightening state of inse-curity, etc. (Dauda, 2011, 283).
In specific reference to the Sokoto Caliphate Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo synthesized the concept of
power in two major books on political thought namely, Misbahahl al-Zaman and Najm al-Ikhwan under
four major points as abridged by Ibrahim Sulaiman viz:
a) Caliphal office is a Sharia institution unanimously accepted by ahl al-Sunnah as valid and
im-perative.
b) Giving allegiance-bay’a to the holder of this office is obligatory; this entails loyalty by the
citi-zens inwardly and outwardly.
c) The state power and those in authority must safeguards the territorial integrity of Islamic state, nourish and empower the people, eliminates injustice and subdue corrupt people.
d) Rulers and ruled must respect the law, operate within the law and defend the law of the state as all are equal before the law.
It was in the light of the above that Professor Smith queried: “Why must emirs/sultans consult their subjects before taking decisions? Because God said so. Why must emirs not take bribe? Because the last of the prophets of God said so. Throughout the jihad literature it is the authority of the Qur’an and the accepted traditions that was invariably quoted to justify the ideals of government which emirs
must continually have in mind. No other authority was adequate.iProfessor Murry Last further
stresses on the fact that observance of the Islamic principle of leadership, which was reciprocal top to bottom, was the major strength of the Sokoto Caliphate. According to him, ‘respect for the law and Islam was the source of authority for the Sokoto Caliphate. So long as the Caliph upheld the Shari’ah, he was unimpeachable, and those who denied his authority were unbelievers… the universal nature of the Law, having an existence and validity separate from the Sokoto Caliphate, gave Sokoto the power it did not have militarily. The emirs outside Sokoto …respected this law and obeyed Sokoto as established under it…, The law gave to their position the same universal legality which the Caliphate possessed’(See Sulaiman, 1987, 8).
On this note, leadership in the context of the Sokoto Caliphate is unique in many senses. One of the striking and distinctive features of the Sokoto scholarship was welding and combining of intellec-tual activities, with political power. They were scholars, researchers, and intellecintellec-tuals as they were administrators. So, they put into practice what was theorized in their writings. Unlike in the case of the central Arabian Islamic movement of the same century, where King Saud relied on Shaikh Mu-hammad bin Abdulwahhab to provide guidance, and philosophy of action; the Sokoto leadership combined both theoretical know-how and practical leadership. More so, that all their ideas were in written and codified texts (in classical Arabic) that are meant for posterity, and clearly possess the ca-pacity to respond to most challenges of modern times in terms of governance and polity, (Bunza, 2011, 1-16).
In this regard therefore, inherently the government in the Sokoto Caliphate was structured, each
officer with a specified responsibilities and obligations. In direct command from Shehu in his Kitab
al-Farq, which he himself upheld directs:
He (leader) most appoints deputies, and they are numerous and of three kinds, the first of them is the appointing of a deputy over the provinces either to take charge of general affairs, or to take charge of special matters. And whosoever he sets over special matters, and appoints (to deal with) a specific thing, shall let his gaze rest where it belongs. And whosoever he sets over general affairs then everything is in the province shall pass to him. And that which befits the Khalifa/ Caliph in the first place is the appointing of Sultan in each of the provinces of his country to whom shall be referred back the laws of the emirs of all his provinces. Then he shall
appoint a qadi in accordance with the shari’ah to be with him, to review under him the
judg-ment of every other qadi.(Danfodiyo, Hiskett, trans, 1962, 6).
It was the level of checks and balances in the administration and devolution of power in the Sokoto
Caliphate ranging from the procedure and method of appointment of Wazir, Muhtasib, Grand Qadi and
other important officers in Caliphate, Professor S. W. Junaid describes as a unique and onerous and his-toric achievement by the Sokoto Jihad leaders. Honest, pious and scholarly officers were appointed throughout the Caliphate, (Junaidu, 2005, 64-72). The major government functionaries in the Sokoto
Caliphate that discharged their functions under the supervision of the Amir al-Mumineen include,
Wa-zir (Prime Minister or Chief Adviser, Provincial Governors-emirs, Chief Judge/ Grand Qadi,
Mili-tary/Police Chiefs, and the Council of Shura. It was through those designated officers with specific
schedules and functions that the principle of checks and balances in the administration of the Caliphate was entrenched.
POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE SOKOTO CALIPHATE Caliph or Amir al-Mu’mineen
The Caliph or Amir al-Mumineen is the head of the Caliphate, and is appointed or selected among the
best in terms of learning, wisdom, courage and other starling qualities as enshrine by the Shari’ah. The Sokoto Caliphate conception of the appointment of a Caliph was based on strict competence and merit
from all Muslim of all ethnic or tribal inclination without discrimination. Indeed, Shehu in Kitab al-Farq
categorically differentiating between the governments of believers from that of the non-believers de-clared that:“ One of the ways of their government is succession to the emirate by hereditary right and by
force to the exclusion of consultation”(Kitab al-Farq, 7).
The central obligation of the Caliph is to see to it that the faithful are instructed on how to conduct themselves in conformity with Islamic law and the obligations of being a Muslim. Clearly, a Caliph must
not only be about learning, he must be himself learned, just as to be receptive and solid, the Ummah
must be rightly instructed. It is that circular loop or ‘feedback’ of communication and authority that renders them alike both appropriate and powerful(Whittaker, 2006, 329). Khalifa or Caliph is the gen-eral head of state presiding over the affairs of the Caliphate. All other officers are responsible to his of-fice and it was part of his duties and functions to appoint ofof-ficers who runs the affairs of the state. He must be guided by the laid down rules and regulation, not by sentiment – ethnic, tribal, or regional
af-filiations. Appointments made base on any other reasons not merit, competence and professionalism tantamount to destruction of system.
This is advanced in the holy Qur’an that reads,
“and when We desire to desire to destroy a city We command its men who live at ease, and af-terward they commit abomination therein, then the Word(of doom) is proved true of it, and We destroy it utterly.
Further, in Bayan Wujub al-Hijrah Shehu added that, ‘One of the swiftest ways of destroying a
kingdom is to give preference to one particular tribe over another, or to show favor to one group of peo-ple rather than another, and to draw near those who should be kept away and keep away those who should be drawn near, (Danfodiyo, Elmasri, trans, 1978, 142). From this point therefore, it becomes clear that the Sokoto Caliphate was not a ‘Fulani Empire’, the Jihad was not a ‘Fulani Jihad’. It was the merit and competence as well as professionalism of an individual that was more valued than ethnic or tribal affiliations. Furthermore, everyone was answerable to law and no immunity against justice was granted to anyone.
In order to ensure balance and equity in the discharge of his duties, the Caliph at the center or Emir
in his emirate was guided by the Council of Shura, and his powers can be challenged if going out of the
frame of the Shari’ah, even if that will lead to impeachment. The momentous example was Caliph Aliyu Babba who reigned as a Caliph of the Sokoto Caliphate from 1842- 1859. He was the son of Sultan Mu-hammad Bello and grandson the Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo, however was invited from Wurno to the Shehu mosque in Sokoto. He was summoned by five leading jurists in Sokoto against some allegations labeled against him; he promptly responded and travelled to Sokoto in order to face the panel.
Some of these charges against the Caliph included, failure to lead and command the army himself in some expedition for territorial defense of the Caliphate as required of his office and tradition of his prede-cessors. That he had neglected the repairs and general maintenance of the Mosques in Sokoto, and failed to
disburse funds from the treasury Bait al-Mal to carter for the need of the poor in the Caliphate. The
impli-cation of this was that it may lead to his removal from office if found guilty. Immediately, the Caliph ap-peared in person, defended himself against all the charges, and was acquitted by the jurists. According to Kyari Tijjani, Caliph Aliyu Babba improved his general conduct in office consequent upon that escaped impeachment from office, (Tijjani, 1979, 269-271). In the same way Caliph Umaru, (d. 1891) was warned
of been impeached (or received their resignation from office) by the leading members of the Majlis,
par-liament in person of Waziri Buhari, Galadiman Gari, and Magajin Gari for some misdeeds in office, and in-troducing of tax which was not deliberated and approved by the Council, (Hogben & Kirk-Greene, 1966).
In order to ensure balance and checks in all fabrics of government, the Sokoto Caliphal leadership made it as parts of their guiding principles for governance to adopt an open-door policy where all mem-ber of the society rich or poor, weak or strong can have access to them and can discuss official and per-sonal issues with them freely without hindrance or fear. For making it as practical as possible and to the
notice of all as a state rule and decision it was circulated in Bayan Wujub al-Hijrah one of the most
valu-able compendiums of the Caliphate thus:
There are six qualities, which cannot be tolerated in a ruler: lying, envy, breach of promise, sharpness of temper, miserliness and cowardice. Another is the seclusion of the king from his
subjects, because when the oppressor is sure that the person will not have access to the ruler, he becomes even more oppressive. The subjects keep loyal to only one ruler so long they have access to him, but when he secludes himself; there come into being many other rulers. O king, you have kept yourself secluded from your subjects, by means of chamberlains and doors and you have set up high mountains before them while God’s door is open to petitioners, there is neither chamberlain nor door-keeper there. A kingdom can endure with unbelief but it cannot endure with injustice, (Danfodiyo, 2004, 7). (emphasis added)
Office of the Wazir
The functions and duties of the Wazir as practiced in Sokoto Caliphate were some of the practices of the classical Muslim Caliphate of the Ummayads, Abbasids, and the Ottoman Sultanate. Sultan Muhammad
Bello in his Usul al-Siyasa, identified the appointment of competent Wazir as of the most important role
and function of the Caliph. He directs that: “The Sultan must appoint deputies to assist him in the ad-ministration of his Sultanate. The chief among these deputies should be the Wazir with delegated au-thority, whose main function includes the ability to organize the army for military expedition as well as supervise the collection of taxes(Bello, Yamusa trans, 2004, 7). According to Yamusa, it was perhaps on the basis of this theory that Gidado dan Lema, the senior Wazir of Muhammad Bello was made to lead a joint army from the emirates against the invasion of al-Kanemi in Borno marshes and eastern Kano in 1827. Under normal circumstances, he added, ‘Gidado’s political responsibility under Bello is said to be many and unspecified, but he generally used to take his place by the side of Bello both in war and in council. Gidado seems to have enjoyed some freedom of action. Out of his own initiatives, he had retired the Emir of Daura, Ishaq, on account of illness and appointed his son Zubayr in his place, and this was approved by Bello(Yamusa, 2004, 7).
According to Junaidu, (2005, 69), Shehu appointed four Wazir during his time at different occa-sions. These include Abdullahi Fodiyo his own brother and ardent supporter, Muhammad Bello, Umar Alkammu, and Malam Sa’adare. And when the Caliphate became stronger, the Wazirship was reduced to two only. The western flank had Abdullah, and eastern flunk was under Muhammad Bello. Subse-quently, after the death of Shehu, Muhammad Bello appointed Gidado bin Lema as his Wazir when Ab-dullahi relinquished the position after the battle Kalabena in 1821.The contribution of the office in the devolution of power in the Sokoto Caliphate was indubitable, and the office continues to be an indispen-sable organ in the Sokoto Caliphate.
The Qadi- Judge and the Judiciary
The dispensation and adjudicating free from the interference and influence of those in authority and wealthy in the society was one of the major dreams of the Sokoto Jihad movement. Before the Jihad, the
nature and character of the courts of justice were related to us by Shehu in his book Kitab al-Farq in the
following: “one of the ways of their (unbelievers) government which is well known, is that if you have adversary (in law) and he precedes you to them(judges) and give them money, then your word will not be accepted by them, even though they know for certainty of your truthfulness, unless you give them more than your adversary gave’(Danfodiyo, Hiskett, trans, 1962, 10). The establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate ushered the thriving of credible judicial system, which ensured equity among people. Unlike,
the former system where Hausa kings issued laws and passed verdicts arbitrarily at their convenience without any guiding principle.
The best example in this regard as noted by Prof. Gwandu was the draconian laws and decrees passed by Nafata king of Gobir banning any conversion to Islam, wearing of turban for men and veil or head scarf by women, and forbidden any other person except Shehu to preach to the people, (Gwandu 1990, 304).
In order to break that circle of injustice, the Sokoto Caliphal leaders targeted with special concern the judicial sector for radical reform with a view to facilitate delivery and efficiency in system. Some of the most important ways in achieving the desired result was to make the judiciary independent and not under the control or influence of the political leaders or the judges themselves. To begin with, the new administration changed patterns and procedures for appointment of judges. Courts and their presiding judges were graduated from one level to another, in which each could be subjected to scrutiny, review and assessment of cases to ensure accuracy.
On the appointment of judges Shehu directed in Kitab al-Farq that the Caliph:
Shall appoint (Grand) Qadi in accordance with the Shari’ah, to be with him, to review under him the judgments of every(other) qadi Then the (Grand) Qadi in his turn appoints a deputy under his command in each province of each country, as he wishes, and for this reason he is customarily called ‘Chief Judge’ or Grand Qadi, and none shall be called thus except he who answered to this description, and other than he shall be called ‘judge’ only, and ‘judge of such and such province’, and the chief judge had greater judicial powers than the Sultan/Caliph at this time, (Danfodiyo, Hiskett trans, 1962, 6).
The appointment of such judges as directed by Shehu must be strictly based on merit, capability and competence of the office, not on any sentimentality. Gwandu further adds, ‘In order to ensure that only the best and the most qualified people were appointed to administer justice, particularly as judges, they were required to possess the following: they must be Muslims, learned, male, sane, free and mature age. They must also be people of proven integrity and of honorable character. They must be free from any physical incapacity like dumbness or deafness which was likely to adversely affect their capability to discharge their important function fairly and creditably’, (Gwandu, 1990, 307). In such case, through the
institution of Wilayat al-Mazalim the Caliph or emir can preside over cases in the court where judges
were involved or deemed to have vested interest or troubled in passing a fair judgment, (Tabiu, 1990, 323).
Further, the judge was assisted by a number of officers in court to arrive at fair verdicts on cases
un-der his jurisdiction. Those officers included: Nai’b (Deputy) who assist the qadi on any duty assigned to
him, and perform the function of qadi in absence of the former. Second was the Mufti, he resides with
the judge in court, and issue fatwas, legal opinion to help the judge decide correctly. Similarly, Katib
court clerk, Qasim-estate distributor, Muqawurim,-Evaluator of properties, Awn-Messenger,
Tarjuman-Interpreter were some supporting officers to make the function of a qadi successful and as fair and
objec-tive as possible. The combination and interplay of these offices and organs of government handled by zealous scholars-cum administrators made the administration of the Sokoto Caliphate transparent and impartial.
The Parliament -Council of Shura- and the Rule of Law
Shura is an Arabic word which literally means ‘consultation’, and as a basic Islamic principle calls upon Muslims, usually under a system of proportional representation, to gather and, through (guided enlight-ened) debate forward formed opinions to the Khalifah/ Caliph which they feel are for the betterment of the Ummah, (Walker, 2012). Mutual consultation is a very important pillar in achieving a responsible leadership in any society. The idea of consultation in Islamic polity, writes Tukur, “was essentially that of having recourse to the views of knowledgeable people who have no vested interests to protect. Be-cause of their lack of interest, they could be relied upon to take an impartial view of things and to be concerned only with the real interests of the community. Thus, both because of their learning and piety and their lack of material interest in the questions at issue the quality of consultation is bound to be much superior to type obtained through the manipulative processes of head counting democracies”. On the other hand, consultation in western democracy is simply a big fraud. This is because:
The political parties and the communications media are controlled by powerful interests who never hesitate to suppress views which are inimical to their designs. In this way the public is manipulated to express precisely those views which influential groups wish to have adopted. At elections or in debate on major policy issues, much effort is expanded in persuading the masses that they are actually being consulted and that their wishes are in fact reflected in government policies. What actually happens though is that much of life, including the thought process of the people, is stage-managed by opinion leaders. In the end, therefore, no real consultation takes place because it is easy for the inert and ignorant masses to be cajoled into accepting poli-cies which are in actual fact not in keeping with their interests and which only cater for the welfare of the professional and commercial groups…(Tukur, 1999, 95).
Due to the importance attached to consultation in decision making, the Holy Prophet in spite of the fact that he receives revelations direct from Allah (SWT) was directed to consult his companions before taking any decision of public concern. And if decision is taken, all trusts should be in Allah. Abu
Sulay-man further describes the role of Shura in maintaining balance in administration as well as ensuring
par-ticipatory government at all levels in the Ummah. In his opinion the Shura provides the procedure whereby Muslims sit together and deliberate upon important matters to arrive at and bound by conclu-sions in the light of the philosophical concepts of justice; there is no harm in adopting measures such as voting, abiding by the point of view of the minority, etc. the same measure could be resorted to if the discussion reached a deadlock in the absence of an authentic analogy. But even here, no decision should be taken until everybody has had the chance to express their opinion and cite relevant evidence’, (Mu-hammad, 2015, 325).
Shehu in Bayan Wujub al-Hijrah ala al-Ibad, concludes on the matter of consultation and seeking
advice by rulers in all their administrative actions and not in any way ignore, disregard, neglect or look down upon people’s opinions and views; above all should not close their doors against their subjects. Shehu insists:
The second principle of Government is to adhere to consultation. God has said: “And take counsel with them in the matter”. Because the person, who seeks advice, if he is of sounder opinion than the one consulted, confirms his own view, if he is less knowledgeable, he benefits
from another opinion. A certain leader once said: Your own high status should not stop you from adding other people’s points of view to your own. For if you seek advice and are thereby successful, people will praise your opinions, but if you make a mistake, they will share the con-sequences of your error. One of the worst qualities in a leader is to be opinionated and to ne-glect consultation, (Danfodiyo, El-Mesri, trans, 1971, 65).
The membership of the Council at the center of the Caliphate in Sokoto, which also served as Elec-toral College, who elect/select a new Sultan/caliph included: the Wazir, the Sarkin Yakin Binji(military commander of the Caliphate0the Galadiman Gari, the Magajin Rafi, the MagajinGari, the Sarkin Kabin Yabo, the Ardon Shuni, the Ardon Dingyadi, and Baraden Wamakko. The structure shows a high level of democracy and consultation on every important issue of public interest in the Caliphate, (Hogben &
Kirk-Greene, 1966, 409). They both served as members of the Majlis al-Shura- parliament and King
Makers -Members of the Electoral College-at the same time.
Freedom of Thought and Opinion
The intellectual basis and foundation of the Sokoto Caliphate, made its entire structure reflect simplicity and freedom in its operations. Most issues were debated and analyzed intellectually and legally before being put in to practice (see details in Bunza, 2015, 78-94). Some of the glaring examples of these was on the adoption and use of titles which were known and used by the former Hausa political system. That
was the system that was overtaken by the 19th century reform movement. The contention was whether
it was legal or illegal to adopt and use the titles and offices which origin were from the defunct political system. Abdullahi was not in favor of the usage, while the Shehu was of the opinion that mere use of
ti-tles in clean Islamic sharia compliant from was acceptable. In Najm al-Ikhwan, Shehu documented his
stance for posterity the debate was not out of sentiment but well guided intellectually as a number of evidences and sources were brought forward by Shehu. It was observed that:
On the contention regarding what his brother Abd Allah mentioned in his books Diya’
al-Sultan and Diya’ Ul-al-Amr wa al-Mujahidin concerning the legality of the use of political
ti-tles such as malik, amir or imam in addressing a Muslim leader, Shehu used sources like, Tarikh
al-Kulafa’ , Risalat al-Muluk ( purposely sent to Sultans of Agades, and Katsina)of Imam Suyuti,
Tafsir Baidawi, al-Tabari of Ibn Jarir, Raf’u al-Shukuk an Mafakhir al-Muluk of Muhammad Shams al-Deen al-Sakhawi and others to respond to the argument (Bunza, 2008, 19).
In addition, when the activities and aggression of the Borno Empire became very serious for the Ji-had leaders to tolerate and tensions were high between the two states opinions were presented by Shehu to the Council to decide on the line of action appropriate action against Borno. Neither Shehu,
Muham-mad Bello, nor the Amir al-Jaysh – military commander took a unilateral decision on the matter, but
was presented for deliberations. Shehu’s opinion of opting for military action against Borno was sup-ported by Muhammad Bello and Gidado bin Lema who one time led an expedition against Borno, How-ever, Abdullahi differed against his brother and mentor, the Shehu.
Unwavering and untiring as he was, Shehu again brought his reasons in support of their resolve to
take a military action against Borno. That was also recorded in Najm al-Ikhwan especially in the last
chapter where Shehu presents supporting evidences for waging jihad against Borno rulers. His main
Maghili’s Misbah al-Arwah fi al-Usul al-Falah. On the other hand, Abdullahi had got his evidence, and
maintained his ground against the military action on Borno by the Sokoto Mujahidun led by Shehu
Us-man ibn Fodiyo his own brother. He also, like Shehu, gave a serious intellectual and academic posture to
the deliberation which made him to ingeniously outlined his defiance in his tafsir for wider audiences.
Although the Shehu and majority of the Shura members did not subscribe to the position supported by
Abdullahi, and went ahead with the military action, however, the opinion of Abdullahi was highly re-spected, and his intellectual resoluteness was acknowledged, but a contrary was opted for because the majority subscribed to the former. In any discussion or deliberation, it is natural for people to differ in opinion and position in relation to almost all issues of public interest. In this regard, Shehu summarizes people’s reaction to criticism and differing opinions and views especially against those seen or viewed as political opponent.
According to him:
there are among people who if you disagree with, and blamed them, become angry against you, and reacted swiftly. Some dislike opposition but acknowledge the speech of the critic, but wishes the disgrace and ruin of the critic, while others tolerate criticism, and in some instances support the opponents. The word of blame, emphasizes the Shehu, are great gains to some peo-ple, Shehu further directs that “Be like that O my brother if you are truthful…”( See Boboyi, 2011, 61-62),(emphasis added).
With this tradition of consultation and deliberation on every aspect of state affair what emerged in the Sokoto Caliphate was accessible and responsive government, which evolved a balanced mechanism and machinery for administration which served as mainstay for the survival of the heterogeneous multi-cultural and multi religious Caliphate of Sokoto.
ON ENHANCING STATE ECONOMY AND BAIT AL-MAL, PUBLIC TREASURY
Financial base and capacity of a state in most cases determines in responsibility to its citizens. A state with strong economic fibre is better than a weak and beggar state, a similitude of what a prophetic hadith says, ‘a strong believer is dearer to Allah than a weak believer’. So also, a strong Muslim state is much dearer to the Creator the Lord of the world, than a weak and feeble state. Under this premise therefore, a strong and economically vibrant Muslim State is preferred in the sight of God and humanity than otherwise. For the attainment of that, the Sokoto Caliphate encouraged sourcing for revenues through enhancing agriculture, (encouraged food security through boosting agriculture for both rainy and dry- irrigation schemes), trade and commerce(both internal trade within the Caliphate, short dis-tance, and with other states- long distance commercial interaction were supported), industrialization, from the small scale to large scale, (industries such as textile, dying, smithing, weaving, tanning-for hide and skin, were encouraged) and other areas were industrialized for internal consumption and export as far as Morocco and other Maghrebean and Mediterranean states.
The role of Bait al-Mal, as the economy stabilized and strengthened came to fore. The surplus funds
are kept for day-to-day activities for the public, as well as in defense and education. The Bait- al-Mal is
funded more so, though Zakat- annual compulsory due on monies and farm produce, as well as
endow-ments, and other Islamic financial outlets. ‘The practice of just imams concerning fay’ and khumus is to
sol-ders. If there remains anything, it goes to the judges, state officials, for the building of mosques and bridges and then it is divided among the poor. If any still remains, the imam has the option of either
giv-ing it to the rich or keepgiv-ing it (in the bayt al-Mal) to deal with disasters which may occur to Islam,
(Is-lahi, 2008). The Sokoto Caliphate handled the administration of this very important public finance
through the Muhtasib, - exchequer, Sa’i,-head of unit responsible for collection and disbursement of
Za-kat and endowments. The offices which exist to date, though with some different functions and roles. In
order to maintain the efficiency of the Bait al-Mal, and safeguard economy from collapse,
anti-corruption initiatives as well as imbibing austere and ascetic life style among leaders served as checks to the economic sector from abuse.
MILITARY AND SECURITY ARCHITECTURE
The issues of military, defense and intelligence in the Sokoto, Caliphate were basically for self-defense and to foster harmony within the state. War and peace are inevitable variables in human society. The Caliph-Sultan was the Commander in Chief of army as well as political and spiritual leader of the
Ca-liphate. He leads and gives final directives on all issues regarding war, however, the office of the Amir
al-Jaish, Military Commander, was also indispensable, and Aliyu Jedo was first appointed to serve in the office by the Shehu himself during the formative period of the Caliphate, 1803-1804. Nonetheless, be-fore embarking on any expedition or military engagement the Sultan appoint a given commander for a particular military assignment, (Smaldone, 1977)
The unique aspect of the military setup of the Sokoto Caliphate was that, it had no single army, each emirate had control over its army, under a certain leadership. The Sultan directs an emir to send troops as circumstances arose, at any time for a certain operation. According to Smaldone (1977, 60), there was a total estimated cavalry forces in the Caliphate to about forty-three thousand seven hundred (43,700) troops spread over the emirates. Out of which, ten thousand stationed at Sokoto, the seat of power. However, as under the Islamic injunction on territorial defence, in time imminent attack or ag-gression, every able-bodied male member of the society, participates as volunteer in the army, until peace is restored.
Fundamentally, Sokoto Caliphate emerged amidst stronger states and empires of West Africa. It had
no prior territory of its own before the jihad of the 19th century. The empires and kingdoms of Kano,
Kanem-Borno, Katsina, Kebbi, Gobir, Nupe, Oyo etc reigned for centuries before the emergence of the Caliphate; it was thus, territories of these former kingdoms and empires that the Caliphate subsumed. In this regard therefore, the Caliphate devised other means than kinetic military approach for sustenance of peace within the state, internal security, and without against the external threats which were abound. The use of military force was reserved as the last resort, (Bunza, 2019). The major defense mechanisms
such as the Ribat, and frontier security, where towns were built and populated by trained military
per-sonnel to provide defense for the major towns of Caliphate. That proved very effective as the three ma-jor centers of Caliphal administration, Gwandu, Wurno and Sokoto towns were surrounded by these satellite military camps/towns and had contained aggression of the Kebbi, Gobir and Tuaregs as collec-tive or individual force (Philips, 1994).
In order to address the problem of harmony and internal security Sultan Bello authored a book
the Caliphate and beyond. As imperative to internal security and stability in a state Bello provided a blueprint, viz:
He (a ruler, emir, governor in order dunce internal tension) should create religious and social jobs (vacancies) for his subjects. He should train manufacturers and be concerned about profes-sionals who are necessary for the wellbeing of the people. These include the farmers, smiths, tailors, butchers, carpenters and all other professionals without which life is impossible. He should employ their services and post them to all towns and quarters. He should encourage his subjects to seek for their food and keep a good deal of it, creating infrastructures in both small towns and big cities, constructing walls and bridges, taking good care of markets, roads, and provision of all social infrastructure so that the basic structure system of the society would be in place…build mosques and fill them with prayer and worship; appoint judges and teachers and arrange for the payment of their stipends; appoint the educators of children and preachers and inspectors of public morals to ordain the right and forbid the wrong; and collectors of the poor tax and investigators for the oppressed and destitute(Sultan Muhammad Bello, Yamusa trans, 265-266).
For external security, the emphasis was largely diplomacy and not combat, destruction or vio-lence.
Al-Kanemi proposed for peace immediately, Shehu Danfodiyo on the other hand, regardless of
any other interest says: ’ now when you say let us make peace and that there is every advantage
in making peace, that is a good proposal. It is right that we and you should make this peace. We indeed seek nothing but what is right. May God help us and you to make this peace’. The re-fined and civilized approach in settling dispute between these two Muslim African states still eludes the world we live in today (emphasis added)( see details in Bunza, 2018, 215-223).
In its relations with the autonomous and independent states like Kwararafa-Jukun, Tiv and other non-Muslim states similar diplomatic posture was adopted. Peace rather than war was encouraged and proffered to reign. As early as the period of Yaqub, the first Emir of Bauchi, 1805-1845 diplomatic alli-ance and pact was signed with the State of Kwararafa under the Aku of Wukari. The allialli-ance according to Makar was the reason why the relationship was strong between them to the extent that the Emirate could go to war to defend their non-Muslim state ally. Tesemchi Makar (1979, 457) concludes that:
The Jukun, Tiv, Chamba, Arago and other non-Muslim peoples (states) in the Benue region maintained their political and religious institutions intact because effective influence from the emirates was apparently very small.
In other words, it was diplomacy not coercion that characterized relationship between the larger Caliphal state and other weaker states it bordered, or ostensibly incorporated into its fold. The same situation was found by John Nengel (2002, and 2005) in his survey of the Caliphate’s attitude to non-Muslim societies of the Jos-Plateau region for centuries before the British colonial invasion.
CONCLUSION
In the administration of the Sokoto Caliphate a kind of structure and machinery was instituted which ensured balance of power and checking excesses among the people in authority. None of the arms of
