Actors: Landowners’ Transformation from Elites to Legitimate Representatives

exogenous power for the continuation of their benefits, and both sides were making concessions to each other and taking what they desired at the same time.

Throughout the Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia, administrative and political structures have had a great change along with the acknowledgement of existing conditions and structures. Muslims in Bosnia were a politically and administratively important group. And as mentioned by Imamović, as long as the Ottoman laws did not run contrary to the Austro-Hungarian principles of civic equality and public governance, there was no problem with retaining them (Imamović, 2006, p. 206).

Thus, the hybrid nature of Austro-Hungarian period relies on the case that it was equally important to retain what was functioning and what had to be introduced to develop what existed. Traditional government structures were as much important as the introduction of Austro-Hungarian methods and practices in these organizations.

Blending the existing conditions with reforms was the most favourable method to eliminate the possibility of distraction in governance.

3. Actors: Landowners’ Transformation from Elites to Legitimate

ayans and kapetans, who were the officials under the Ottoman rule, were no longer in effect. They wanted to maintain the privileges they had for the last centuries (Donia, 1981, pp. 178–180; Okey, 2007, p. 47). As a response, Austro-Hungarian elites did not neglect the role that these Bosnian nobles and elites obtained. Bosnian elites were considered a part of the political order by the imperial rule as long as they

maintained good relations with the Empire (Poulton, 1997, pp. 21–22). Austro-Hungarian Empire preserved the ethnic group leaders, in this case Muslim landowners, since they were sympathetic towards the imperial rule. As Donia suggested, the Austro-Hungarian government entered into a tacit alliance with the prominent, leading people among the Muslim society for mutual gains. In this way, both the existing figures of the local order were going to maintain their privileges and roles, and the imperial rule was going to be legitimized through gaining the support and trust of the prominent people of the local bodies, hence the trust of the population (Donia, 1981, p. 16).

Not only the landowning, upper class Bosnian Muslims were considered prominent actors in the society, but they were also the ones who were going to take place on the political stage as well (Donia & Fine, 1994, p. 100; Imamović, 2006, p. 111). In the eyes of the Austro-Hungarian government, throughout the process where the bureaucracy was being centralized and new structures and bodies were being introduced, if one looked for the key figures from key administrative offices, there were Bosnian upper-class Muslims (Donia, 1981, p. 35). In cases where these figures were going to be replaced with Austro-Hungarian appointees, these new appointees must not have drawn negative attention. Thus, a balance between the new appointees and former Muslim officials had to be maintained, as it was the same for nearly every Austro-Hungarian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was actually

the will of the Ottoman Empire as well: contrary to wanting the masses to emigrate to Ottoman lands after the Austro-Hungarian occupation, the Ottoman government actually preferred the Muslims of Bosnia to remain in place so that the Ottoman Empire could maintain its impact over the region (Adanır, 2002, p. 313). As long as the Ottoman Sultan remained as the ultimate religious head for all Muslims, the connection between the Bosnian Muslims and the Ottoman Empire was thought to be secured. This is why the Austro-Hungarian rule feared the intensification of

relationships with the Ottoman state: they did not want to risk their sovereignty over the region (Babuna, 2012, p. 88).

In the time of the creation of the Muslim National Organization (MNO), which was examined in detail in the previous sub-chapter, landowners were undisputedly the major figures of the Muslim society in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and now they became the legitimate representatives of all Muslims and were intermediary figures between the public and the imperial rule (Donia, 1981, p. 178; Friedman, 2018, p.

75). As mentioned before, the formation of MNO was based on the actions and policies of the Muslim upper-class at the time. Even if their main concern was to retain the material, administrative privileges they had, they later represented the whole Muslim population politically and legitimately since they became the sole representative of Bosnian Muslims in Austro-Hungarian politics (Donia, 1981, p.

175). Additionally, their role was intensified since the line between the economic, religious, and personal ties of the Muslims was very difficult to draw and they had to focus on each one of them. Therefore, they bore much more responsibilities (Babuna, 2012, p. 53). The MNO leaders were seemingly pleased with the privileges they retained or gained under the Austro-Hungarian rule. As long as their specific demands, such as maintaining their privileged role or administrative offices, were

met, they were happy with co-operating with the imperial rule (Donia, 1981, p. 194).

One other important examination about how the landlords became politically

prominent figures lies in the vakuf-mearif autonomy movement. As it was studied in the sub-chapter above, the autonomy movement pointed out the requests and needs of the Muslim society as a whole. Thus, since the MNO representatives were the political, legitimate representatives of the Bosnian Muslims, their role was enhanced through the autonomy movement as well because they now were also in charge of the affairs after autonomy was granted.

After the formal declaration of the annexation of Bosnia on October 8^th, 1908, the Austro-Hungarian Empire imposed some changes to create a legitimate political base for the future policies about Bosnian and Herzegovinian regions. However, after such drastic change, realities on the ground had to adapt themselves to the new structure as well. At the time, Serbian and Bosnian Muslim nationalist movements were among the strongest ones in the region (Imamović, 2006, p. 212). There was also the Serbian National Organization which was established in 1907 for the political representation of Serbs in Bosnia (Donia, 1981, p. 175; Malcolm, 1996, p.

151). Serbian nationalist movements outside Bosnia for an independent Serbia were simultaneously effective for the Serbs within Bosnia throughout the late 1870’s. Any development that occurred for Serbs outside was internalized by Serbs in Bosnia, and the sense of being a “Serb” was being intensified, as Friedman argues (Friedman, 2018, p. 32). Hence, Muslims and Serbs appeared as the most unwilling groups to recognize the formal annexation of the lands due to their political strength. However, the only way for them to be a part of the new political structure after the annexation was to recognize it. By this time, a number of Muslims have already emigrated to Istanbul to continue to live under Ottoman rule. Muslim leaders were reluctant to

recognize the annexation immediately since they enjoyed the privileges retained from the Ottoman period. However, the prerequisite for the MNO to continue operating under the Austro-Hungarian rule was to recognize its authority and autonomy first. Thus, they recognized the annexation in 1910 (Donia, 1981, p. 174;

Imamović, 2006, p. 242). As a political party and a significant part of society, Muslims wanted to remain on the stage since they were satisfied with their gains so far. They wanted to benefit from the constitution introduced the same year.

In 1910, the introduction of an Austrian constitution assured a system that would provide representation for political parties and aimed to have more moderate,

ethnically-based political structures that would make matters easier for the Empire to govern (Donia & Fine, 1994, p. 100). Thus, they had included the Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian Muslim ethnic groups’ representative political parties in the newly formed assembly after the constitution. In this way, they would also discourage the Bosnian Muslims from their will of either connecting with the Ottoman Empire, and the Serbs or Croats from forming an independent state. This is another reason for their reluctance to be broken in 1910 and the recognition of the annexation (Donia, 1981, p. 174). A similar attitude was visible on the Austro-Hungarian side of the story as well: as long as the Muslim practices retained from Ottoman laws did not conflict with the principles of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, they were acceptable and they could take place in political affairs (Imamović, 2006, pp. 202–203).

Another gain of the Muslims due to all these developments was the immediate politicization of the Muslim nationality that they would make use of during the Yugoslav period (Babuna, 2012, p. 81). In the end, even if World War I shattered all the existing conditions, the gain of the Bosnian Muslims was this organized party structure, bureaucratic experience, and a sense of political and national unity through

becoming the sole representative of Bosnian Muslims in the eyes of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Babuna argues that, the policies that the Austro-Hungarian Empire implemented can be presented as pro-Muslim or pro-Bosnian, and as a successful administration by the Empire (Babuna, 2012, p. 26; Friedman, 2018, p. 63). The prominent figures from Muslim society were selected or were admitted to the Austro-Hungarian

methods of administration. In this way, both the local elites were pleased, and a more

“legitimate and effective” administration was achieved (Imamović, 2006, pp. 202–

203). Thus, from the perspective of hybridity, it can be claimed that the Austro-Hungarian Empire wanted to maintain balance and tranquillity through gratifying the Bosnian Muslims. The Bosnian Muslims maintained the roles that they acquired during the Ottoman rule and the benefits that they gained for their political and national stance. The transformation of Bosnian Muslim landowners and upper-class elites into political figures is another important case here. Since hybrid political orders do not aim to transform what is existent, but to blend “the existent” and “the sought”, Austro-Hungarian period in Bosnia reflects this very nature in numerous cases. The elites remaining as the upper class that politically represents all Bosnian Muslims is still another important case here. Maintaining their roles or administrative duties at the same time as acquiring new political roles was a significant

development for Bosnian Muslims under the Austro-Hungarian rule. The give and take relationship between the two sides can be seen as the indicators of the hybridity patterns.